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Works

The Works of John Knox, Vol. 1 (of 6)

I, Thomas, Armite in Larite, Sainet Frances brether hartlie greit,

Beseiking yow with ferme1 intent, To be walkryfe and diligent; For thir Lutherians, rissen of new, Our Ordour daylie dois persew: Thay smaikis do sett their haill intent, To reid this English New Testament; And sayes, We have thame clene disceavit. Therefore, in haist, they man be stoppit.2 Our stait hypocrisie they prysse, And us blaspheamis on this wyse, Sayand, That we are heretikes, And fals, loud, liand, mastif tykes; Cumerars and quellars of Christes kirk, Sueir swongeouris3 that will not wirk, But ydlelie our living wynnes, Devouring woulves into sheip skynnes, Hurkland with huides into our neck, Wyth Judas mynd to jouck and beck, Seikand Christes peple to devoir, The down thringars of God his4 glore, Professouris of hipocrisie, And doctouris in idolatrie, Stout fyschares with the Feindis nett, The upclosars of Heavins yett, Cankcarit corruptars of the Creid, Homlok sawares amangest good seid, To trow in traytouris, that do men tyiste, The hie way kennand thame fra Chryst, Monstouris with the Beast his mark, Dogges that never stintes to bark, Kirk men that are with5 Christ unkend, A sect that Sathane self hes send, Lurkand in holes, lyke traytour toddes, Mantenaris of idoles and false goddes, Fantastik fooles and feynzeit fleachearis, To turne fra the treuth6 the verie teachearis. For to declair thair haill sentence, Wald mekle cummer your conscience. Thay say your fayth it is sa stark, Your cord and lowsie coit and sark, Ye lippin, may bring yow to salvatioun, And quyte excludes Christ his passioun. I dreid this doctryne, yf it last, Sall either gar us wirk or fast; Therfor, with speid we mon provyde, And not our proffit to oureslyde. I schaip my selfe, within schort quhyle, To turse7 our Ladie in Argyle; And there, uncraftie8 wyse to wirk, Till that we bigged have ane kirk; Syne miracles mak be your avyse. Thay kettereles, though they had but lyse, The twa part to us they will bring: But ordourlie to dress this thing, A gaist I purpose to gar gang, Be counsall of Freir Walter Lang,9 Quhilk sall mak certane demonstrations, To help us in our procurations, Your haly Ordour to decoir: That practik he proved anes before, Betuix Kirkcaldie and Kingorne; But lymmars made therat sic skorne, And to his fame maide sic degressioun, Sensyne he hard not the Kinges confessioun.10 Thoicht at that tyme he came na speid, I pray yow tak guid will as deid; And him amongest your selves receave, As ane worth mony of the leave. Quhat I obteyne may, through his arte, Ressoun wald ye had your parte. Your Ordour handles na monye, But for uther casualitie, As beif, meill, butter, and cheiss, Or quhat that we have, that ye plese, Send your Bretheren et habete. As now nocht elles, but valete. Be Thomas your brother at command, A cullurune kythed throw many a land.11

When God had gevin unto that indurat Prince sufficient documentis, that his rebellioun against his blessed Evangell should not prosperouslie succeid, hie rases up against him warr, as that he did against obstinat Saull, in the which he miserablie perrished, as we shall after hear.

The occasioun of the Warr was this. Hary the Eight, King of England, had a great desyre to have spokin with oure King; and in that poynt travailled so long, till that he gat a full promesse12 maid to his Ambassadour, Lord Williame Hawart. The place of meatting was appointed [at] York; which the King of England keap[t] with such solempnitie and preparationis, as never for such ane purpoise was sein in England befoir. Great brute of that jorney, and some preparatioun for the same was maid in Scotland; but in the end, by persuasioun of the Cardinall David Betoun, and by otheris of his factioun, that jorney was stayed, and the Kinges promesse falsefeid. Whareupoun war scharpe letteris of reproch send unto the King,13 and also unto his Counsall. King Hary frustrat, returned to London, and after his indignatioun declaired, began to fortifie with men his frontearis foranent Scotland. Thare war send to the Bordouris Sir Robert Bowis, the Erle of Anguss, and his brother, Sir George Duglass. Upoun what uther trifeling questionis, (as for the debatable land and such like,) the war brak up, we omitt to wryte. The principall occasioun was the falsefeing of the promeisse befoir maid. Oure King perceaving that the warr wald ryse, asked the Prelattis and Kirkmen, what supporte thei wald maik to the susteanyng of the same; for rather wald he yitt satisfie the desyre of his Uncle, then he wald hasard warr, whare hie saw nott his force able to resist. Thei promissed montanes of gold, (as Sathan thaire father did to Christ Jesus yf he wold wirschipe him;) for rather wold thei have gone to hell, or he should have mett wyth King Hary: for then, thought thei, Fayr weill our kingdome; and fayr weill, thought the Cardinall, his credite and glorie in France. In the end, thei promissed fyftie thousand crownes by year,14 to be weall payed, so long as the warres lested; and farther, that thaire servandis, and otheris that appartened unto thame, and war exemed from common service, should not the less serve in tyme of necessitie. These vane promisses lifted up in pryde the harte of the unhappye King: and so begynnis the warr. The realme was quartered, and men war laid in Jedburgh and Kelso. All man, (foollis we meane,) bragged of victorie; and in verray deid the begynnyng gave us a fayr schaw. For at the first wardane raid, which was maid at the Sanct Bartholomess day,15 in the zeir of God J^m. V^c. fourty twa, was the Wardane Sir Robert Bowis, his brother Richard Bowis, Capitane of Norhame, Sir Williame Mallerie16 knycht, a bastarde sone of the Erle of Anguss, and James Dowglas of Parkhead, then rebelles, with a great number of borderaris, soldeouris, and gentilmen, tackin.

HALDANE RIG.

The Reade was termed Haldane Rig.17 The Erle of Anguss, and Sir George his brother, did narrowlie eschaipe. Our Papistis and Preastis, proude of this victorye, encouraged the King, so that thare was nothing heard but, "All is owres. Thei ar butt heretyckis. Yf we be a thousand and thei ten thousand, thei dar not feght. France shall enter the ane parte, and we the other, and so shall England be conqueast within a year." Yf any man was sein to smyle att sick vanitie, his was no more bot a tratour and ane heretyck. And yitt by these meanes, men had greattar libertie then thei had befoir, as concernyng thair conscience; for then ceassed the persecutioun. The warr continued till mydd September; and then was send doune the old Duck of Northfolk,18 with such ane army as a hundreth yearis befoir had not come in Scotland. Thei wer in amassing thaire forses, and setting fordwarte of thare preparationis and munitionis, which ware exceading great, till mydd October, and after; and then thei merched from Berwik, and tended to the west, ever holding Tweid upoun thair one syd, and never camped from that ryver the space of a myle, during the hole tyme thei continewed in Scotland, which was ten or twelf dayis. Forresse war runne upon the day to Smallame,19 Stichell, and such place nere about, but many snapparis thei gate. Some cornes thei brunt, besydis that which the great host consumed, but small butting thei caryed away. FALA RAID. The King assembled his forse att Falow,20 (for hie was advertised that thei had promessed to come to Edinburght,) and tackin the mustaris all att ane howre, two dayis befoir Alhallow evein,21 thair war found with him auchttein thousand able men. Upoun the bordouris, that awaited upoun the Engliss army, war ten thousand men, with the Erle of Huntlie, Lordis Erskyn, Seytoun, and Home. These ware judgeid men ynew to hasard battell, albeit the other war esteamed fourtie thousand. Whill the King lyis at Fawla, abyding upoun the gunnes, and upoun advertisment frome the armye, the Lordis begyne to remember how the King had bene long abused by his flatteraris, and principallie by the pensionaris of the preastis. It was anes concluded, that thei wald mack some new remembrance of Lauder-brig22 to see yf that wald, for a seassoun, somewhat help the estait of thare cuntrie. But, becaus the Lordis could nott aggrie amonges thame selfis, upoun the persones that deserved punishment, (for everie man favored his friend,) the hole eschaiped; and the purpoise was opened unto the King, and by him to the Curteouris, who after that, till that thei came to Edinburgh, stood in no litill feare: But that was suddandly foryett, as we shall after hear. Whill tyme is thus protracted, the Engliss army, for skarstye of victualles, (as was bruted,) retearis thame owir Twead upoun the nycht, and so begynnes to skaill. Whareof the King advertissed, desyris the Lordis and barronis to assist him, to follow thame in England. Whose answer was, with one consent, "That to defend his persone and realme, thei wold hasard lyef and whatsoever thei had; butt to invaid England, nether had thei so just titill as thei desyred; nether yit could thei be then able to do any thing to the hurte of England, considering that thei had long befoir bene absent fra thair houssis, thare provisioun was spent, thare horse wereyed, and that which was greatest of all, the tyme of year did utterlie reclame." This thare answer seamed to satisfie the King; for hie in woordis praised thare prudent foresight and wyse counsall. But the mynt maid to his Curteouris, and that bald repulse of his desyres gevin to him in his awin face, so wounded his proud harte, (for long had hie roung23 as him self list,) that he decreed a notable revenge, which, no doubt, he had not failled to have executed, yf God by his awin hand had not cutted the coardis of his impietie. He returnes to Edinburgh; the nobilitie, barones, gentilmen, and commones to thair awin habitationis: And this was the secund and thrid dayis of November.

Without longar delay, at the Palice of Halyrudhouse, was a new Counsall convened, a Counsall, we meane, of his abusaris; wharein war accusationis laide against the most parte of the nobilitie. Some war heretickis, some favoraris of England, some freindis to the Dowglassis, and so could thare be none faythfull to the King, in thaire opinioun. The Cardinall and the Preastis cast fagottis in the fyre with all thare force; and fynding the King hollie addict to thare devotioun, delivered unto him ane Scroll,24 conteanyng the names of such as thei, in thare inquisitioun, had convict for Heretickis. For this was the ordour of justice, which these holy fatheris keapt in dampnying of innocent men. Whosoevir wald delaite any of heresye, he was heard: no respect nor consideratioun had what mynd the delatour bayre to the persone delated; whosoever war produced for witnesses war admitted, how suspitious and infame that ever thei ware; yf two or thre had provin any poynt, that by thare law was holden heresye, that was ane heretick: rested no moir but a day to be affixed to his condempnatioun, and to the executioun of thare corrupted sentence. What man could be innocent, whare such judgeis was party, the world may this day considder. Trew it is, by fals judgement and false witnesses, have innocentis bene oppressed from the begynnyng. Butt this fredome to sched innocent blood gatt never the Devill but in the kingdome of Antichrist, "that the innocent should dye, and neyther knaw accusatour nor yitt the witnesses that testifeid against him." Butt how shall the Antichrist be knowin, yf he shall not be contrarious to God the Father, and his Sone Christ Jesus, in law, lief, and doctrin. Butt this we omitt.

A ANSURE WORTHIE OF ANE PRINCE.

The same Scroll had the Cardinall and Prelattis ones25 presented unto the King befoir, what tyme he returned frome the Navigatioun about the Ylis.26 Butt then it was refuissed by the prudent and stowt counsall of the Lard of Grange,27 who opened clearly to the King the practise of the Prelattis, and the danger that thairof mycht ensew. Which considered by the King, (for being out of his passioun, he was tractable,) gave this answer, in the Palice of Halyrudhouse, to the Cardinall and Prelattis, after that thei had uttered thair malice, and schew what profit28 mycht arise to the Croune, yf hie wold follow thair counsall. "Pack you, Jefwellis:29 gett yow to your chargeis, and reforme your awin lyves, and be nott instrumentis of discord betuix my nobilitie and me; or ellis, I avow to God, I shall reforme yow, not as the King of Denmark by impreasonment does, neythor yitt as the King of England does, by hanging and heading; but I shall reforme yow by scharpe whingaris,30 yf ever I heir such motioun of yow againe." The Prelattis dascht and astonyed with this ansure, ceassed for a seassoun to tempt any farther, by rigour against the nobilitie. But now, being informed of all proceadingis by thaire pensionaris, Oliver Synclar, Ross lard of Cragye,31 and utheris, who war to thame faythfull in all thingis, thei conclude to hasarde ones32 agane thare formar suyt; which was no sonar proponed but as sone it was accepted, with no small regrate maid by the Kingis awin mouth, that he had so long dyspised thare counsall; "For, (said hie,) now I plainlie see your woordis to be trew. The nobilitie neyther desyres my honour nor continuance; for thei wold nott rydd a myle for my pleasur to follow my ennemyes. SOLAN MOSS, HOW IT BEGAN. Will ye tharefor fynd me the meanes, how that I may have a Raid maid in England, without thare knawledge and consent, that may be knawin to be my awin Raide? and I shall bynd me to your counsall for ever." Thare concurred togitther Achab and his false prophettis; thare war gratulationis and clappin of handis; thare war promisses of diligence, closenes, and felicitie. Finally, conclusioun was tackin, that the West bordour of England, which was moist empty of men and garresonis, should be invaided; the Kingis awin banner should be thare; Oliver,33 the great moynzeoun,34 should be generall levetenant; but no man should be pryvey, (except the Counsall that was thare then present,) of the interprise, till the verray day and executioun thaireof. The Bischoppes glaidly took the charge of that Raid. Letteris war sent to such as thei wold charge to meat the King, day and place appointed. The Cardinall, with the Earle of Errane, war directed to go to Haddingtoun, to mack a shaw against the East bordour, when the utheris ware in readdynes to invaid the Weast. And thus neather lacked counsall, practise, closenes, nor diligence, to sett fordwarte that interprise: And so, amanges these consultaris, thare was no doubt of ane good successe; and so was the Scroll thankfullie receaved by the King him self, and putt into his awin pocket, whare it remaned to the day of his death, and then was found. In it war conteaned mo then ane hundreth landed men, besydis otheris of meaner degree, amonges whome was the Lord Hammyltoun him self,35 then secound persone of the realme, delaited.

It was bruted, that this Read was devised by the Lord Maxwell;36 butt the certaintie thairof we have not. The nyght befoir the day appointed to the interprise, the King was found at Lowmabane.37 To him cumis cumpanyes frome all quarteris, as thei war appointed, no man knowing of ane uther, (for no generall proclamatioun past, but prevey letteris,) nether yitt did the multitude know any thing of the purpose till after mydnycht, when that the trompet blew, and commanded all man to march fordwart, and to follow the King, (who was constantlye supposed to have bene in the host.) Guydes war appointed to conduct thame towardis England, as boith faythfullye and closlye thei did. Upon the point of day, thei approched to the ennemys ground; and so passes the wattir without any great resistance maid unto thame. The forrow38 goes furth, fyre ryses, herschip mycht have bein sein on everie syd. The unprovedeid people war all together amased; for brycht day appearing, thei saw ane army of ten thowsand men; thare cornes and howssis39 upoun every syd send flambes of fyre unto the heavin. To thame it was more then a wonder, that such a multitud could have bene assembled and convoyed, no knowledge thairof cuming to any of thare Wardanes. For supporte thei looked nott; and so at the first thei ware utterlie dispared. And yitt begane thei to assemble togitther, ten in one company, twenty in ane uther; and so, as the fray proceaded, thare troopes encreassed, but to no number; (for Carleyle, fearing to have bein assaulted, suffered no man to ishe out of thare yettis;) and so the greatast nomber, that ever appeared or approched befoir the discomfitour, past nott thre or foure hundreth men; and yitt thei maid hott skarmisching, as in thair awin ground, in such fates,40 thei ar most experte. About ten houris, when fyris war kendilled and almost slokned41 on every syd, thought Olyver tyme to schaw his glorie; and so incontinent was displayed the Kingis baner; Oliver upoun spearis lyft up upoun menis schoulderis, and thair with sound of trompett was he proclamed generall lievtenneant, and all man commanded to obey him, as the Kingis awin persone under all hieast panes. Thare was present the Lord Maxwaill, Wardane, to whome the regiment,42 in absence of the King, propirlie apperteaned: he heard and saw all, butt thought more then he spak. Thare war also present the Erles Glencarne and Cassiles, with the Lord Flemyng, and many uther Lordis, Baronis, and gentilmen of Lotheane, Fyf, Anguss, and Mearnes. In this mean tyme did the skirmishing grow hottar43 then it was befoir: schouttis war heard on everie syd. Some Scottismen war stryckin doune; some not knowing the ground lared, and lost thair horse.44 Some Engliss horse of purpose war lett lowse, to provok gready and imprudent men to preak45 at thame; as many did, but fand no advantage. Whill such disordour ryses more and more in the army, men cryed in everie care, "My Lord Lievetennant, what will ye do." Charge was gevin, that all man should lyght and go to array; for thei wald fight it. Otheris cryed, "Against whome will ye feght? Yone men will feght non utherwyise then ye see thame do, yf ye will stand hear whill the morne." New purpose was tackin, that the foott men, (thei had with thame certane bandis of soldeouris,46) should softlye retear towardis Scotland, and the horsemen should tack thare horse agane, and so follow in ordour. Great was the noyse and confusioun that was heard, whill that everie man calles his awin sloghorne.47 The day was neyre spent, and that was the cause of the greatast fear. The Lord Maxwell perceiving what wold be the end of such begynnynges, stood upoun his foote with his freandis, who being admonissed to tack his horse, and provide for him self; ansured, "Nay, I will rather abyd hear the chance that it shall please God to send me, then to go home and thare be hanged." And so hie remaned upoun his foote, and was tackin, whill the multitud fledd, and took the greattar schame. The ennemeis perceaving the disordour, increassed in courage. Befoir thei shouted; but then thei strok. Thei schote spearis and dagged arrowis, whare the cumpanyes war thikest. Some reacuntaris war maid, but nothing availled. The soldeouris caist from thame thaire pickis, culveringis, and utheris weaponis fensable; the horsmen left thair spearis; and so, without judgement, all man fled. The sea was filling, and so the watter maid great stope; but the fear was such as happy was hie that mycht gett a tackar. Such as passed the watter and eschaped that danger, nott weill acquented with the ground, fell into the Sollen Moss.48 The entrie thairof was pleasing yneuch, but as thei proceaded, all that took that way, eyther lost thare horse, or ellis thame selfis and horse boith. To be schort, a greattar feir and disconfiture, without cause, hes seldome bein sein. For it is said, That whare the men war nott sufficient to tack the handis of presonaris, some rane to houssis, and randred thame selfis to wemen. Stout Oliver49 was without strack tackin, fleing full manfully; and so was his glorie (stincking and foolishe proudnes we should call it,) suddandly turned to confusioun and schame. In that disconfiture war tackin the two Erles foirsaid, the Lordis Flemyng, Somervaill, and many otheris baronis and gentilmen, besydis the great multitud of servandis. Worldly men may think, that all this came but by mysordour and fortoun, (as thei terme it;) but whosoever has the least sponk of the knowledge of God, may as evidentlie see the werk of his hand in this disconfiture, as ever was sein in any of the battelles left to us in registre by the Holy Ghost. 1. REG. 20. For what more evident declaratioun have we, that God faught against Benhadab, King of Aram, when he was disconfited at Samaria, then that we have that God faught with his awin arme against Scotland? In this formare disconfiture, thare did two hundreth and thretty personis in the skyrmyshe, with sevin thousand following them in the great battell, putt to flyght the said Benhadad with thretty Kingis in his cumpany. But hear thare is, in this schamefull disconfiture of Scotland, verray few mo then three hundreth men, without knowledge of any back or battell to follow, putt to flight ten thowsand men without resistance maide. Thare did everie man reaconter his marrow, till that the 230 slew such as matched thame. But heir without slawchter the multitud fled. Thare had those of Samaria the prophete of God to conforte, to instruct, and to promesse victorie unto thame. But England, in that persute, had nothing, but as God secreatlie wrought by his providence in these men that knew nothing of his wirking, nether yitt of the causes thareof, more then the wall that fell upoun the rest of Benhadadis army knew what it did. And tharefor, yit agane we say, that such as in that suddane dejectioun beholdis not the hand of God, feghting against pride for fredome of his awin litill flock, injustly persecutted, dois willingly and malitiouslie obscure the glorie of God. But the end thairof is yitt more notable.

The certane knowledge of the disconfiture cuming to the Kingis earis, (who wated upoun newes at Lowmaban,50) hie was stryckin with ane suddane feare and astonisment, so that skarslye could hie speak, or had51 purpoise with any man. The nycht constrayned him to remane whare he was, and so yead52 to bed; but raise without rest or qwyet sleape. His continuall complaint was, "Oh, fled Oliver! Is Oliver tane? Oh, fled Oliver!" And these woordis in his melancholie, and as it war caryed away in ane transe, repeated hie from tyme to tyme, to the verray hour of his death. Upone the morne, which was Sanct Katherins day,53 returned he to Edinburgh, and so did the Cardinall from Hadingtoun. But the one being eschamed of the other, the brute of thare communicatioun came nott to publict audience. The King maid inventorie of his poise, of all his juwellis and other substance;54 and tharefter, as eschamed to look any man in the face, secreatlie departed to Fyfe, and cuming to the Hall-yardis,55 was humanlie receaved of the Ladye56 Grange, ane ancient and godly matron, (the Lard at his cuming was absent.) In his cumpany war only with him Williame Kirkaldy, now Lard of Grange, and some otheris that wated upoun his chalmer. The Lady at suppar, persaving him pensive, begane to conforte him, and willed him to tack the werk of God in good parte. "My portioun, (said he,) of this world is schorte, for I will nott be with you fyvetene dayis." His servandis reparing unto him, asked, Whare hie wold have provisioun maid for his Yule?57 quhilk then approched. He ansuered, with a disdanefull smyrk, "I can nott tell: chuse ye the place. Butt this I cane tell you, or Yule day,58 ye wilbe maisterless, and the realme without ane King." Becaus of his displeasur, no man durst mack contradictioun unto him. So after that hie had visited the Castell of Carny,59 perteanyng to the Erle of Crawfurd, whare the said Erles dowghter, ane of his hoores,60 was, hie returned to Falkland and took bedd. And albeit thare appeared unto him no signes of death, yet hie constantly affirmed, befoir such ane day, "I shalbe dead."

Notes

  1. In MS. G, "gud." ↩
  2. In MS. L 2, "stayed." ↩
  3. In Vautr. edit. "Such lasie scamleris." ↩
  4. In MS. G, "Christis glorie." ↩
  5. In MS. G, "to." ↩
  6. In MS. G, "fra treuth." ↩
  7. To turse, or carry. In MS. G, and all the other copies, it is "to curse," which has no sense. ↩
  8. In MS. G, "on craftie." ↩
  9. Friar Walter is apparently a mistake for Friar William Laing. (See the following note.) Foxe has stated it was through this Friar William Laing, "bewrayer of the confession to Archbishop James Beaton," that Henry Forrest, whose fate is mentioned at page 52, was condemned and given over to the secular judges to suffer death. See the extract from Foxe's Martyrs, in Appendix, No. V. ↩
  10. Calderwood says, "Frier Laing had been confessor to the King," (Hist. vol. i. p. 142;) and the Treasurer's Accounts in 1540, show that "Schir William Layng, Chaplane," was then attached to the Court. On the 6th of February 1539-40, he received various articles of dress, viz., a gown of French black, a hugtoun of Parise black, a doublet of black sattin, and a black bonnet. On the 22d Dec. 1540, "abbis, towellis," &c., were furnished "to his chapell." In 1511, "Schir William Layng," is described as "Maister Elymosinar in the Princes house;" £13, 6s. 8d. having been previously paid "for his liveray clathis, be ane precept, above the ordinar, admittit to him in my Lord Prince house;" and in July that year, £20 was "gevin to Schir William Layng, Chaplane, enterit this zere (in the Household)."—"Willelmus Laynge, studens," was incorporated in the University of Glasgow, in 1493; and another "Willelmus Layng, clericus Parochialis Glasguensis," in 1501. ↩
  11. According to a contemporary chronicler, the Chapel of our Lady of Loretto was founded so late as 1533, by Thomas Douchtie, here styled the Hermit of Alareit. "In this mene tyme (1533,) thair come ane heremeit callit Thomas Douchtie, in Scotland, quha had bein lang Capitane [captive?] befoir the Turk, as was allegit, and brocht ane ymage of our Lady with him, and foundit the Cheppil of Laureit besyid Musselburgh."—(Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 17, Edinb. 1833, 4to.) In like manner Buchanan says, this impostor Douchtye, having returned from Italy, built a church to the Virgin Mary, and made great gain by his fictitious miracles.—(Hist. lib. xiv. p. 41.) The Chapel dedicated to our Lady of Loretto, (sometimes called Alareit,) stood beyond the eastern gate of Musselburgh, near the Links; and the name for the locality is still retained. It was connected with the Nunnery of the Sciennes, and became one of the most noted shrines in Scotland, during the reign of James the Fifth. Lesley says, that the King, previously to his marriage, having sailed for France, (24th July 1536,) the vessel in which he had embarked, after sailing by the north of Scotland, and the west, was driven by a storm, and that he landed at St. Ninians, in Galloway, "and sua returnit to Strivilinge, and thairfra passit on his feet in pilgrimage to the Chapell of Lorrett, besid Mussilburgh."—(Hist. p. 150.) Queen Margaret, in a letter to Henry the Eighth, printed in the State Papers, vol. v. p. 181, (where it is placed under the year 1540, instead of 1536,) thus mentions her son's voyage, saying that his nephew had been "in grete dangere of seyis, be contrare wyndis, quhilk agane his mynd, be extreme stormis, compellit to mak course furth of this Est sey northward, compassing the maist parte of this realme throuch the occeane seyis, and be the grace of God arryvit in the port of St. Ninianis callit Quhithorne." James, after his pilgrimage on foot from Stirling, sailed from Leith, with a squadron of seven vessels, and had a more fortunate voyage. On the 7th of September 1536, the Treasurer paid £13, 6s. 8d. to Sir Henry Balfour, in part of £40, "to be gevin to puir houshuldarris to pray for his Hienes prosperous returnyng." ↩
  12. Proposals for such a meeting had been made in 1534, and again in 1536. The above meeting was to have taken place on the 15th of January 1541-2, according to Articles agreed upon the previous month.—(State Papers, vol. v. p. 199; Tytler's Hist. vol. v. p. 242.) ↩
  13. Henry the Eighth, says Sir Walter Scott, "insulted James by the threat, that he had still the name rod in in keeping which had chastized his father. By that rod, the Duke of Norfolk was intimated, who, while yet Earl of Surrey, commanded at Flodden, where James IV. fell."—(Hist. of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 31.) See note 193. ↩
  14. Pitscottie says, that the Bishops, in apprehension that James might follow his uncle's example, in casting down the Abbeys, "budded (bribed) the King to bide at home, and gave him three thousand pounds by year to sustain his house, off their benefices." At a later date, the Clergy, we are told, offered to contribute and assign to him of yearly rent of their benefices, the sum of thirty thousand pounds; or to enlarge the sum to £100,000, provided the King gave them a secular judge to their mind, to execute justice on the wicked heretics whom they had delated to the King, in the list or scroll elsewhere referred to.—(Hist. pp. 230, 255, 256, edit. 1778.) It was but proper that the Clergy, to whom the King had sacrificed so much, should thus manifest their liberality; but indeed such contributions were not unusual, on the part of the beneficed clergy and dignitaries of the Church. In August 1513, previously to the calamitous expedition which had such a fatal catastrophe at Floddon, the Clergy contributed the sum of £10,275, 10s. 9d. (Treasurer's Accounts.) ↩
  15. The 24th of August 1542. ↩
  16. In MS. G, "Malberie." The name should be Mowbray. ↩
  17. Halden Rig, or Hawden Rig, in Roxburghshire, a few miles to the east of Kelso. In the MS. it was originally written "Maxwell heucht," but this is corrected to Haldane Rig. In the later MSS. "Reade," is written more intelligibly "raid." ↩
  18. Thomas Howard, second Duke of Norfolk, when Earl of Surrey, convoyed the Princess Margaret from England, to her marriage with James the Fourth, at Holyrood, in 1503; and he commanded the English army at Floddon, in 1513, when the rashness of that gallant but unfortunate Monarch proved fatal to himself, and so disastrous to his country. He died in 1524; and was succeeded by his eldest son, Thomas third Duke of Norfolk, who was Lieutenant-General in the North, and had also been at Floddon. He commanded the English troops which invaded the southern parts of Scotland, in August 1542 and died in 1554, upwards of eighty years of age. ↩
  19. Now Smailholm. ↩
  20. Fala Muir, a plain near the western termination of the Lammermuir hills. ↩
  21. In Vautr. edit. "Hallow-evin." The Eve of Hallowmass; in Scotland, Halloween, the 31st of October; Hallowmass, or All Saints, of course, being the 1st of November. ↩
  22. This alludes to the summary execution by the Scotish nobles of Cochrane and other favourites of James the Third, in hanging them over the bridge of Lauder, in the year 1479, as related by all our Historians. ↩
  23. In Vautr. edit. "had he runne." ↩
  24. See note 210, respecting this Scroll. ↩
  25. In the later copies, "once." ↩
  26. The date of the King's voyage round the Isles has been mistaken by most of the older writers, such as Buchanan, Lesley, and others. This may have partly arisen from confounding it with his previous voyage in 1536. (See note 186.) James purposed to have sailed on the 14th of May 1540, but he deferred setting out till after the birth of his son, who was born at St. Andrews on the 22d of May. This happy event James communicated in a letter to his uncle, the King of England, on the same day: "It hes liket God of his great gudnes to have send unto us, this 22 day of May instant, ane sone and Prince, fair and lillik to succeid to ws and this our Realme. We think it accordis ws weill to mak you participant with ws of sic joyus gud novellis," &c.—(State Papers, vol. v. p. 177.) The baptism of the Prince took place on the 28th of May, and the King is said to have sailed on the day following. The Treasurer's Accounts for 1540 and 1541, which furnish a number of interesting notices connected with the expense of this voyage, show that the arrangements for sailing were not compleated before the 11th or 12th of June, which may be held as the actual date of the expedition. In the collection of State Papers referred to, are two letters, conveying reports of the preparations for the voyage, furnished by some of "the espiallis," or English spies; and also another letter from James himself to Henry the Eighth, on his return, dated at Edinburgh the 29th of July 1540, in which he says, that "all thingis standyng at gude poynt and ordour, we addressit us, as we thought expedient, to visie our Ilis, North and Southt, for ordouring of thame in justice and good policy," &c. (ib. p. 182.) ↩
  27. James Kirkcaldy of Grange held the office of High Treasurer from the 20th March 1537, till the death of James in 1542; but his Accounts during the latter months of the King's reign are not preserved. Having accompanied James to France, the Laird of Grange had also acted as Treasurer Extraordinary from 11th September 1536, until the King's return in May 1537. ↩
  28. In the MS. "propheit." ↩
  29. In MS. G, "josrellis;" MS. A, "jesuits;" MS. L2, "jeffells." ↩
  30. In Vautr. edit., MS. L 2, &c., "I shall reprove you by sharpe punishmentes."—From an interesting letter of Sir William Eure to Crumwell, dated from Berwick, 26th January 1539-40, it seems, that this answer or reprimand was uttered at Linlithgow, rather than Holyrood; and was occasioned by his witnessing the representation of Sir David Lyndesay's play, called, "Ane Satire on the Three Estates," which evidently produced a strong, but unfortunately no lasting impression on the King's mind. After describing "the Enterlude," Eure proceeds, "My Lorde, the same Maister Bellenden shewed me, that after the said Enterluyd fynished, the King of Scottes did call upon the Bischope of Glasgow [Gawin Dunbar], being Chauncelour, and diverse other Buschopes, exorting thaym to reforme thair facions and maners of lyving, saying, that oneles thay soe did, He wolde send sex of the proudeste of thayme unto his Uncle of England, and, as those were ordoured, soe He wold ordour all the reste that wolde not amende: And therunto the Chauncelour should [did] aunsuer, and say unto the King, that one worde of his Graces mouthe should suffice thayme to be at commaundement: And the King haistely and angrely answered, that he wold gladely bestowe any wordes of his mouthe that could amend thaym."—(State Papers, vol. v. p. 170.) ↩
  31. John Ross of Craigie, near Perth, was one of the prisoners taken at Solway Moss, in 1542.—(State Papers, vol. v. p. 233.) ↩
  32. In the later copies, "once." ↩
  33. Oliver Sinclair, see note 224. ↩
  34. In Vautr. edit. "minion." ↩
  35. Knox has previously alluded to this scroll or list of names. See pages 81 and 82. Sir Ralph Sadler, in a letter to Henry the Eighth, dated 27th of March 1543, details a conversation he had with the Governor, who told him, "That a number of noblemen and gentlemen the late King had gotten written in a Roll, which were all accused of Heresy; of the which, (he said,) he was the first, and the Earl of Cassilis, the Earl of Glencairn and his son, the Earl Marishal, and a great many gentlemen, to the number of eighteen score, because they were all well minded to God's Word, which then they durst not avow; but now, (quoth he,) I shall do mine endeavour to set forth the glory of God with the assistance of the King's Majesty."—(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. p. 94.) ↩
  36. Herbert Lord Maxwell, Warden of the West Marches, was taken prisoner at the battle of Solway. Sir Ralph Sadler, in a letter dated 4th April 1543, reports a detailed conversation he had with him on the state of Scotland.—(State Papers, vol. i. p. 117.) He died in 1546. ↩
  37. Lochmaben—see note 225. ↩
  38. That is, the foray. In Vautr. edit. this sentence, reads, "The forward goeth forth, feare ryses, daunger might have bin scene on every side." The later MSS. are equally unintelligible. ↩
  39. The words, "cornes and houses," connecting the foot of p. 71, and the top of p. 72, in Vautr. edit, have been omitted; and this omission occurs also in MSS. I, and L 2. ↩
  40. In Vautr. edit. "fentes." ↩
  41. In Vautr. edit. "slaked." ↩
  42. In Vautr. edit., and MS. G, &c., "the regiment of things." ↩
  43. In MS. G, "gritter." ↩
  44. In Vautr. edit. "were mired, and lost their horses." ↩
  45. In MS. G, "proik;" MS. A, "pricke." ↩
  46. In MS. G, "of futemen soldeors." ↩
  47. In Vautr. edit. "his own sluggard;" in MSS. G, I, and L 2, "slughorne." ↩
  48. In MS. A, "Solloway Mosse;" in Vautr. edit. "the slimy mosse." Solway Moss derives its name from the Solway Frith, a well known arm of the sea, which forms the boundary between England and Scotland for upwards of fifty miles. The Moss lies on the Cumberland side of the small river Sark, in the tract of land formerly known as the Debateable Ground. ↩
  49. Oliver Sinclair of Pitcairns was the third son of Sir Oliver Sinclair of Roslin. He was a favourite of James the Fifth; and Pitscottie says the King placed him as Governor of Temptallon or Tautallon Castle, when the powerful family of the Douglasses were driven into exile.—(Hist. p. 224.) It is more probable it was some years later that he received the command of this stronghold, which is on a cliff overhanging the sea, about two miles to the east of North Berwick. In the Treasurer's Accounts, June 1537, we find £120 "was delivered to Olivere Sinclare, in Cowper, to pay the Kingis gentillmen with." In the following month, £20 was paid "to Olivere inclare, in compleat payment of his lyveray clathis." And on the 6th Oct. 1540, there was "gevin to Olipher Sinclar at the Kingis command, to the warkis of Tamtalloun," £66, 13s. 4d. In November 1541, when the Queen Dowager died at Methven, he and John Tennant, two of the gentlemen of the King's Privy Chamber, were sent to take and lock up all her goods.—(State Papers, vol. v. p. 194.) He was taken prisoner after his shameful defeat at Solway; but obtained his liberty in 1543. Sadler mentions, that when he was about to repair to Tantallon Castle, at the end of that year, as a place of security, under the protection of Sir George Douglas, Sinclair was lying in wait, in a small village near hand, in the hope of seizing him and his retinue.—(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. pp. 220, 329, 333.) ↩
  50. Lochmaben, in the parish of that name in Annandale. Lesley, however, says, "During the tyme of this Raid, the King of Scotland remanit in Carlaverock upoun the Bordour, not far from Soloway Moss."—(Hist. p. 165.) The distance of either place from the scene of this disgraceful defeat was not considerable. Lochmaben was a Royal Castle; and Pitscottie, like Knox, says, that the King "was in the Castle of Lochmaben."—(Hist. p. 174.) But Pinkerton and Tytler follow Lesley. ↩
  51. Hand, or hold: in MS. G, "hald." ↩
  52. In Vautr. edit., MS. G, &c., "and so went." ↩
  53. 25th of November.—James was still at Edinburgh on the 30th of November, when he wrote a letter to Henry the Eighth.—(State Papers, vol. v. p. 228.) ↩
  54. See note 245 ↩
  55. Hallyards, in the parish of Auchtertool. ↩
  56. In Vautr. edit., MS. G, &c., "the Lady of Grange." This was Janet Melville, daughter of Sir John Melville of Raith, and Helen Napier. She married James Kirkcaldy of Grange, High Treasurer, from 1537 to 1542. See note 202 ↩
  57. Yule, or Christmas; as in Vautr. edit., MSS. E, I, and L 2. ↩
  58. In Vautr. edit. "Christmas daye." ↩
  59. Castle of Carny, in the parish of Moonzie, in the shire of Fife. ↩
  60. These words are omitted in MS. G. ↩
I, Thomas, Armite in Larite, Sainet Frances brether hartlie greit, — Works · John Knox · Cloud of Witnesses