carrying it away. Thus we speak of an arm of the sea, an arm of a river, &c. In this manner tho inundation — the in to seems to have been that respecting this country — the successive promises which had been made to the king of Egypt that
him he shall work * deceitfully: for he shall come up, and shall become strong with a small people.
Ccelesyria and Palestine should be made over to him. These provinces had been secured to Ptolemy Lagus by the treaty made 301 B. C., and they had been again pledged by Antiochus the Great, in dowry, when his daughter Cleopatra should be made queen of Egypt. Jahn, Heb. Com monwealth p. 260. Antiochus Epiphanes, however, was by no means disposed to confirm this grant, and hence the wars in which he was involved with the Egyp tians. «[ He shall icork deceilfidly. In reference to the covenant or treaty above referred to. He shall endeavour to evade its claims: he shall refuse to comply with its conditions; he shall not deliver up the provinces according to the terms of the compact. The history accords exactly with this, for he did not intend to com ply with the terms of the treaty, but sought every means to evade it, and finally waged a succession of bloody wars with Egypt. In reference to the terms of this treaty, and to secure their respective in terests, both parties sent ambassadors to Rome to urge their claims before the Ro man Senate. Polybius, Legat. $ 78, 82. Jerome, Com. in loc. As soon as Ptolemy PhHometor had reached his fourteenth year, he was solemnly invested with the government; and ambassadors from all surrounding countries came to congratu late him on his accession to the throne.
" On this occasion Antiochus sent to •Egypt, Apollonius, the son of Mnestheus, apparently to congratulate the king on his coronation, but with the real intention of sounding the purposes of the Egyptian court. When Apollonius on his return informed Antiochus that he was viewed as an enemy by the Egyptians, he immedi ately sailed to Joppa to survey his fron tiers towards Egypt, and to put them in a state of defence." Jahn, Heb. Common
wealth, p. 2GO. 2 Mac. iv. 21. The purpose of Antiochus was undoubtedly not to sur render Coelesyria and Palestine according to the treaties which had been made, and yet he designed to secure them if possible without iin open rupture, and hence his { arts of diplomacy, or his efforts to evade compliance with the terms of the com pact. Even when he had invaded Egypt, and had obtained possession of the king,
24 He shall enter *> peaceably even upon the fattest places of the prov-
Ptolemy Philometor, he still "pretended that he had corne.0 Egypt solely for the good of king Ptolomy/to set the affairs of his kingdom in order for him; and Ptol emy found it expedient to act as though he really thought him his friend. But he must have seen, says Jahn, that Antiochus with all his professions of friendship, was not unmindful of spoil, for he plun dered Egypt in every quarter." Heb. Commonwealth p. 263. ^ For lie shall come up,. Come up on Egypt. The result would be war. Rather than surrender the provinces according to the treaty, he would ultimately invade Egypt, and carry war into its borders. ^ And shall become strong with a email people. The meaning of this seems to be that at first his own forces would be small; that he would go up in such a way as not to excite sus picion, but that, either by an increase of his forces there, by uniting himself to confederates, by alluring the people by the promise of rewards, or by gradually taking one town after another and adding them to his dominions, he would become strong then. Jahn (Heb. Commonwealth p. 263), says, " with a small body of troop* he made himself master of Memphis, and of all Egypt as far as Alexandria, almost without striking a blow." Comp. Diod. Sic. xxvi. 75, 77; Jos. Ant. xii. 5, 2. The fact in the case was, that Antiochus pre tended in his invasion of Egypt to be the friend of the Egyptian king, and that ho came to aid him, and to settle him firmly on the throne. By degrees, however, he became possessed of one town after an other, and subdued one place after an other, until he finally became possessed of the king himself, and had him entirely in his power.
24. He shall enter peaceably even vpon the fattest places of the province. The margin is, ' into the peaceable and fat.' The version in the text, however, is the more correct, and the sense is that he would do this unexpectedly (Lengerke, itnvernnithet); he would make gradual and artful approaches until he had seized upon the best portions of the land. Comp. Gen. xxvii. 28, 39. The history is, that he went there with different professions than those of conquest, and one after nn- ince; and he shall do that which his fathers have not done, nor his fa ther's fathers; he shall scatter them the prey, and spoil,
25 And he shall stir up his power and his courage against the king of
among tnem tne prey, ana spoil, ana nis courage against me King 01 and riches: yea he shall * forecast j the south with a great army; and other he took possession of the principal against the strongly fortified places of towns of Egypt. In his first invasion of; Egypt. f Against the strongholds. Anthat country, Diodorus Siculus and Jose- tiochua took possession of Pelusium, the phus both say that Antiochus ' availed key of Egypt; he seized upon Memphis, himself of a mean artifice/ without speci- land he then laid siege to Alexandria, fying what it was. Jahn says that prob-; supposing that if that were reduced the ably it was that he pretended to come as whole country would bo his. Jos. Ant. the friend of Ptolemy. It was to this B. xii. ch. v. § 2. ^ Even for a time. that the allusion is here, when it is said j Josephus (ut sup.) says that he was drives that ho would 'enter peaceably,' — that is, 'from Alexandria, and out of all Egypt, with some pretence of peace or friendship, j by the threatenings of the Romans, corn er with some false and flattering art.! manding him to let that country alone. Josephus (Ant. xii. ch. v. $ 1.) says of j There were other reasons, also, which com- Antiochus, that " be came with great I bined with this, inducing him to retire forces to Pelusium, and circumvented Ptol-! from that country. He was greatly en emy Philoraetor by treachcn/, and seized; raged by the effect which a report of hia upon Egypt." The fact stated by Diodo- death in Judea had produced there. It rus and Josephus, that he took possession was said that all the Jews rejoiced atthat of Memphis and of all Egypt as far as j report, and rose in rebellion; and he Alexandria, fully illustrates what is said therefore resolved to inflict revenge on here, that he would ' enter in the fattest i them, and left Egypt, and went to Jeruplaces of the province/ These were the j salein, and subdued it either by storm or most choice and fertile portions of Egypt, j by stratagem.
^ And Jie shall do that which his fathers j 25. And he shall stir up his power and have not done, nor his father's fathers. \ his courage against the king of the south Which none of his predecessors have been; with a great army. This must refer to a able to do; to wit, in the conquest of j subsequent invasion of Egypt by Antio- Egypt. No one of them had it so com- | chus. In the course of his reign he four pletely in his possession; no one obtained times invaded that country with various from it so much spoil. There can be no i degrees of success. In the first, he took doubt that such was the fact. The wars: Pelusium, and having placed a garrison of his predecessors with the Egyptians ' there, retired into winter quarters to had been mostly waged in Coelesyria and j Tyre. In the second, a.bove referred Palestine, for the possession of these to, he took Memphis and laid siege provinces. Antiochus Epiphanes, how- | to Alexandria. The third invasion here ever, at first took Pelusium, the key of referred to was after he had taken Jeru- Egypt, and then invaded Egypt itself, j salem, and was caused by the fact that, seized upon its strongest places, and made! as Ptolemy Philometor was in the hands the king a captive. Jahn, Heb. Common- j of Antiochus, the Egyptians hnd raised wealth, p. 263. Comp. 1 Mac. i. 16. j Ptolemy Physcon (the Gross) to the throne. ^f He shall scatter among them the prey, \ This prince assumed the name of Euer- &c. Among his followers. He shall re-! getes II. The pretended object of Antioward them with the spoils of Egypt, chus in this invasion (B. C. 168) was to Comp. 1 Mac. i. 19: " Thus they got the support the claims of Ptolemy Philometor strong cities in the land of Egypt, and he against the usurpation of his brother, but took the spoils thereof." ^Aiid he shall his real purpose was to subject the whole forecast his devices. Marg., 'think his country to his own power. He defeated thought*.' The margin is in accordance the Alexandrians by sea near Pelusium, with the Hebrew. The meaning is, that and then drew up his land forces before ho would form plans, or that this would the city of Alexandria. Ptolemy Physbe hi» aim. He would direct the war! con sent an embassy to Bomo to solicit
the king of the south shall be stirred | portion of his meat shall destroy up to battle with a very great and | him, and his army shall overflow:
mighty army; but he shall not stand: for they shall forecast de vices against him.
26 Yea, they that feed of the
27 And both these kings' a hearts shall be to do mischief, and they
were rejected, but when he perceived that the conquest of Alexandria would be difficult, he retired to Memphis, and pretended to deliver up the kingdom to to make terms with the invader, ^f And hia army shall overflow. The connection here requires us to understand this of the army of the king of Egypt. The mean ing seems to be, that his forces would be great, and would spread themselves out
Ptolemy Physcon, and having left a; like overflowing waters, but that notwithstrong garrison at Pelusium, he returned standing this many of them would be to Antioch. This invasion is thus de- slain. ^ And many shall fall down slain. scribed by the author of the Book of In battle. Notwithstanding the army Maccabees (I Mac. i. 17.): " Wherefore would be numerous, and would, as it he entered Egypt with a great multitude, i were, spread over the land, still it would with chariots, and elephants, and horse-! not be sufficient to keep out the invaders, men, and a great navy." Porphyry, as but many of them would fall in the field, quoted by Scaliger; Polybius, Legat, $ SI, | The account in 1 Mac. i. 18, is, that 82, 84; Levy xliv. 19, xlv. ii; Justin:" Ptolemy was afraid of him [Antiochus], xxxiv. 2; Prideaux, Con. III. 232 — 235.! and fled; and many icere wounded to ^f And the king of the south. Ptolemy j death."
Physcon, king of Egypt. ^ Shall le \ 27. And loth these kings' hearts shall stirred tip to battle with a very great and be to do mischief. Marg., their hearts, mighty army. To oppose Antiochus. The meaning is, that their hearts were 5f But he shall not stand. He shall not set on some evil or unjust purpose. The be able to resist him. His navy was de-, reference here is, evidently, to Antiochus feated; Antiochus still held possession | arid Ptolemy Philometor, and the time of Memphis, and laid siege to Alexandria, i alluded to is when Ptolemy was in the 5[ For they shall forecast devices against \ possession of Antiochus, and when they him. Heb., 'shall think his thoughts' j were together forming their plans. An- (See Notes on ver. 24); that is, they shall tiochus invaded the country under pre form plans against him to defeat him. j tence of aiding Ptolemy and establishing The reference here is to the invading forces, i him in the government, and for the same that they would form sagacious plans for j reason, under pretence of protecting him, the overthrow of the king of Egypt.
26. Yea, they that feed of the portion of his meat shall destroy him. They of his own family; they who are nourished he had him now in his possession. At first, also, it would seem that Ptolemy coincided with his plans, or was so far deceived by the acts of Antiochus as to at his table; they who are his cabinet believe in his friendship, and to unito counsellors, and professed and confiden-; with him in his schemes, for it is extial friends. The meaning is, that they pressly said by the historians, as quoted would prove treacherous and unfaithful, j above, that when Antiochus left Egypt, This is by no means- improbable. Anti- j leaving Ptolemy at Memphis, and a ochus was powerful, and had seized upon j strong garrison in Pelusium, Ptolemy Pelusium, and upon Memphis, and upon began to see through his crafty designs, the fairest portions of Egypt. He was j and to act accordingly. Until that time, also in possession of the person of the j however, he seems to have regarded the lawful king, and had a fair prospect of subduing the whole country. In these circumstances, nothing would be more natural than the very inmates of the palace — the persons around the reigning professions of Antiochus as sincere, and to have entered fully into his plans. To that fact there is allusion here, and the meaning is, that they were forming united schemes of evil — of conquest, and king — should begin to doubt whether he I robbery, and oppression. The guiding
shall speak lies at one table; but it shall not prosper: for » yet the end shall be at the time appointed.
spirit in this was, undoubtedly, Antiochus, but Ptolemy seems to have con curred in it. ^ And they shall speak lies at one table. At the same table. Pto lemy was a captive, and was entirely in the possession of Antiochus, but it was a matter of policy with the latter to hide from him, as far as possible, the fact that he was a prisoner, and to treat him as a king. It is to be presumed, therefore, that he would do so, and that they would be seated at the same table; that is, that Ptolemy would be treated outwardly with the respect due to a king. In this familiar condition — in this state of apparently respectful and confidential intercourse — they would form their plans. Yet the devices of both would be false — or would be, in fact, speaking lies. An tiochus would be acting perfidiously throughout, endeavouring to impose on Ptolemy, and making promises, and giv ing assurances, which he knew to be false; and Ptolemy would be equally acting a deceitful part — entering into en gagements which, perhaps, he did not intend to keep, and which would, at any rate, be soon violated. It is impossible now to know hoio he came into the hands of Antiochus — whether he surrendered himself in war; or whether he was per suaded to do it by the acts of his cour tiers; or whether he was really deceived by Antiochus and supposed that he was his friend, and that his protection was necessary. On any of these suppositions it cannot be supposed that he would be very likely to be sincere in his transac tions with Antiochus. ^ But it shall not prosper. The scheme concocted, what ever it was, would not bo successful. The plan of Antiochus was to obtain possession of the whole of Egypt, but in this he failed; and so far as Ptolemy en tered into the scheme proposed by Anti ochus, on pretence for the good of his country, it also failed. Whatever the purpose was, it was soon broken up by the fact that Antiochus left Egypt, and made war in Jerusalem. ^[ For yet the end shall be at the time appointed. See ver. 29. The end— the result— shall not be
28 Then shall he return into his land with great riches; and his heart shall be against the holy cove-
now, and in the manner contemplated by these two kings. It shall be at the time •appointed,' to wit, by God, and in an other manner. The whole case shnll issue differently from what they design, and at the time which an overruling Pro vidence has designated. The reason im plied here why they could not carry out their design was, that there was an 'ap pointed time' when these affairs were to be determined, and that no purposes of theirs could be allowed to frustrate tho higher counsels of the Most High.
28. Then shall he return into his land with great riches. Enriched with the spoils of Egypt. Having taken Mem phis, and the fairest portions of Egypt, he would, of course, carry great wealth to his own country on his return. Thus it is said in 1 Mac. i. 19: " Thus they got the strong cities in the land of Egypt, and he took the spoils thereof." The meaning here is, that he would set out to return to his own land. As a matter of fact, on his way he would pause to bring desolation in Jerusalem, as is intimated in the subsequent part of the verse. ^ And his heart shall be against the holy covenant. The words * holy covenant' are a technical expression to denote the Jewish institutions. The Hebrew people were called the 'covenant people,' as being a people with whom God had en tered into covenant. All their privileges were regarded as the result of that cove nant, and hence the word came to be ap plied to all the institutions of the nation. When it is said that his heart was against that covenant, the meaning is, that he was enraged against it; and determined to bring calamity upon the place and people connected with it. The reason of this was the following. When he was in Egypt, a report was spread abroad that he was dead. In consequence of this rumour, Jason took the opportunity of recovering the office of high priest, from his brother Menelaus, and Avith a thou sand men took Jerusalem, drove Mene laus into the castle, and slew many whom he took for his enemies. Antiochus, hearing of this, supposed that all the nant; and he shall do exploits, and I south; but it shall not be as tho
29 At the time appointed he shall return, and come toward the
Jews had revolted, and determined to inflict summary chastisement on them on his way to his own land. See Jahn, Heb. Commonwealth, p. 263. ^[ And lie shall do exploits, and return to his own land. The word exploits is supplied by the translators. The Hebrew is, simply, 'he shall do;' that is, he shall accom plish the purpose of his heart on the cove nant people. In this expedition, be took Jerusalem, whether by storm or by stra tagem, 5s not quite certain. Diodorus Siculus, and the author of the second book of Maccabees, and Josephus, (Jewish Wars, i. 1, 2, and vi. 10, 1,) say that it was by storm. The account which he gives in his Antiquities (B. xii. ch. v. $3) is, that he took it by stratagem, but the statement in the Jewish War is much more probable, for Antiochus plundered the city, slew eighty thousand persons, men, women, and children, took forty thousand prisoners, and sold as many into slavery, 2 Mac. v. 5, 6, 11—14. As if this were not enough, under the guid ance of the high priest Menelaus, he went into the sanctuary, uttering blas phemous language, took away all the gold and silver vessels he could find there, the golden table, altar and candlestick, and all the great vessels, and that he might leave nothing behind, searched the subterranean vaults, and in this man ner collected eighteen hundred talents of gold. lie then sacrificed a swine on the altar, boiled a piece of the flesh, and sprinkled the whole temple with the broth, 2 Mac. v. 15 — 21; 1 Mac. i. 21 — 28. Diodorus Sic. xxxiv. 1; Jahn, Heb. Commonwealth, p. 264.
29. At the time appointed. In the pur poses of God. See Notes on ver. 27. That is, at the time when God shall de sign to accomplish his own purposes in regard to him. The idea is, that there was a definite period in the divine mind in which all this was to be done, and that when this should occur Antioohus would return again to invade Egypt. ^Jfe shall return and come toward the south. With an intention of invading Egypt. The occasion of this invasion was, that former, or as the latter.
GO f For the ships »of Chittim after the departure of Antiochus, leaving Ptolemy in possession of Egypt, or hav ing professedly given up the" kingdom to him, Ptolemy suspected the designs of Antiochus, and came to an agreement with his brother Pbyscon, that they should share the government between them, and resist Antiochus with their united power. To do this, they hired mercenary troops from Greece. Anti ochus, learning this, openly threw off the mask, and prepared to invade Egypt again, B. C. 167. He sent his fleet to Cyprus to secure possession of that island, and led his army towards Egypt to sub due the two brothers, designing to annex the whole country to his dominions. f But it shall not be as the former, or as the latter. At the first invasion or the second. In these he was successful; in
| this he would not be. The reason of his want of success is stated in the following
| verse — that by the aid which the two brothers had obtained from abroad, as expressed in the next verse, they would be able to oppose him.
30. For the ships of Chittim shall come against him. The word rendered Chit-
\ tim — Q>n3 — according to Gesenius, prop erly means Cypricius, so called from a celebrated Phoenician colony in the island of Cyprus. In a wider acceptation the name came to comprehend the islands and coasts of the Mediterranean sea, es pecially the northern parts, and there fore stands for the islands and coasts of Greece and the ^Igean Sea. See Gese nius, Lex., and cotnp. Josephus Ant. B. I. ch. vi. 1. The Egyptian government had called in the aid of the Roman?, and An tiochus, therefore, was threatened with a j war with the Romans if he did not aban- j don his enterprise against Egypt. The reference in the passage before us, is to the embassage which the Romans sent to Antiochus in Egypt, requiring him to de sist from his enterprise against Egypt.
j "When he had arrived at Leusine, about i four miles from Alexandria, he met Caiua Popilius Lasnas, Caius Decimius, and Caius Hostilius, ambassadors whom the Ro man Senate had sent to him at the ear- shall como against him: therefore even return, and have intelligence he shall he grieved, and return, and with them that forsake the holy have indignation against the holy covenant.
covenant: so shall he a do; he shall
31 And arms shall stand on his
nest request of Ptolemy Physcon. They to wreak his vengeance on the holy land, were instructed to assure Antiochus that j What was the immediate occasion of his he must leave the kingdom of Egypt and | taking this opportunity to attack Jerusathe island of Cyprus in peace, or expect j lem is not certainly known, but in his a war with the Romans. When Antiochus marching back through Palestine, he desaid that he would lay the affairs before tached from his army twenty-two thouhis council, Popetius, the head of the le- ' sand men, under the command of Apolgation, with his staff drew a circle about I lonius, and sent them to Jerusalem to the king in the sand on which they stood, j destroy it. Prideaux, III. 239; Jahn, and exclaimed, 'Before you leave that! Heb. Commonwealth, p. 266. Apollocircle, you must give me an answer which j nius arrived before Jerusalem B. C. 167, I can report to the Senate.' Antiochus I just two years after the city had been was confounded, but on a little reflection, j taken by Antiochus himself. IF So shall he said he would do whatever the Senate! lie do. That is, in the manner described required." Jahn, Heb. Commonwealth, I in this and the following verses. \ He pp. 265, 266; Polyb. Legat. g 90, 92; j shall even return. On his way to his own Livy xliv. 14, 29; 41 — 46; xlv. 10, 12.! land, f And lave intelligence with them These ambassadors came by the way of I that forsake the holy covenant. Have an Greece, and in Grecian vessels, and their | understanding with them; that is, with a coming might properly be described as portion of the nation — with those who 'ships from Chittim.' They went from ' were disposed to cast off the religion of Rome to Brundusium, and then passed! their fathers. There was a considerable over to the Grecian shore, and from thence | part of the nation that was inclined to do by the way of Chalcis, Delos and Rhodes, to Alexandria, Prideaux, III. 237. «f Therefore he shall be grieved. The word here used — nN:j — means properly to become faint-hearted; to be frightened;
this, and to introduce the customs of the Greeks (Comp. Jahn, Heb. Common wealth, pp. 258 — 260); and it was natural that Antiochus should seek to have an understanding with them, and to make to be dejected, sad, humbled. Job xxx. I use of them in accomplishing his designs
It was very probably at the solicitation of this infidel and disaffected party of the Hebrew people that Antiochus had inter- purpose. He saw that it would be vain j fered in their affilirs at alL ComP- * Mac- *• to attempt to contend with the Romans, j ** *3' and he was constrained reluctantly to re- 31. And arm« shall stand on his part. linquish his enterprise. ^[ And return. < Up to this verse there is a general agree- Set out to return to his own land, ^f And i nient among commentators, that the refhaae indignation against the holy covenant. \ erence is to Antiochus Epiphanes. From Notes on ver. 28. That is, he would be | this verse, however, to the end of the filled with wrath against Jerusalem and the Jews. Polybius says that Egypt in great anger, because chapter, there is no little diversity of opinion. One portion suppose that the description of Antiochus and his deeds compelled by the Romans to abandon his j continues still to be tho design of the designs. In this condition he was, of j prophet; another that tho Romans are course, in a state of mind to become irri- ' here introduced, and that a part of the tated against any other people, and, if j predictions in the remainder of this chapan occasion should be given, would seek i ter are yet to be fulfilled; another, as Jet.o vent his wrath in some other direction, i rome, and most of the Christian fathers, This habitual state of feeling towards Je- j suppose that the reference is to Antiochus rusalem and the Jews would make him: as the type of Antichrist, and that the ready to seize upon the slightest pretext i description passes from the type to tho
part, and they shall pollute the sanc tuary of strength, and shall take away the daily sacrifice, and they shall place the abomination that amaketh desolate.
antitype. In this last class are found look out for another interpretation/ Bishop Newton, Gill, Calvin, Prideaux, j Accordingly, he says, that Jerome and
Wintle, Elliott (Apocalypse, iv. 137, *iq.) and others; in the former, Grotius, Lengerke, Bertholdt, Maurer, <fcc. In this same class is found the name of Porphyry — who maintained that the whole referred to Anliochus, and that the allusion was so clear as to prove that this portion of the book was written after the events had occurred. The reason suggested for the change in the supposed reference, as al leged by Bishop Newton on the Prophe cies, p. 296, is, substantially, that what follows can be applied only in part toAn- the Christians of his time contend that these things apply to Antichrist; and ho himself adopts the view proposed by Sir Isaac Newton, that it refers to the Ro mans, and that the allusion is to the fact that at the very time when Antiochus re treated out of Egypt, the Romans con quered Macedonia, " putting an end to the reign of Daniel's third beast," and that the prophet here leaves ofi' the de scription of the actions of the Greeks, and commences a description of the Romans in Greece. As, however, all that is here tiochus. Whether this portion of the said is strictly applicable to what waa chapter can be shown to refer to him, we done by Antiochus, such an interpreta- shall be able to determine as we proceed. Nothing can be clearer than the allusion up to this point. The word rendered arme, in the verse before us — Djf'nf. — sing.
jrnt — means properly the arm — especially the lower arm below the elbow; and then comes to denote strength, might, power; and thence is applied to a military force, or an army. See ver. 15. Such is un doubtedly the meaning here, and the reference is to the military force Avhich Antiochus would employ to wreak his vengeance on the Jews — particularly by the instrumentality of Apollonius. Oth ers would apply this to the Romans, and suppose that they are introduced here, but this construction is forced and unnat ural, for (a) the reference in the previous verses was, undoubtedly, to Antiochus, and the narrative seems to proceed as if there were no change; (b) there is nothing in the statement which does not agree with what was done by Antiochus. As a matter of fact, as attested by all history, he detached Apollonius with twenty-two thousand men, on his mortified return to tion is unnecessary. ^ And they shall pollute the sanctuary of strength. The ' sanctuary of strength,' seems to refer to the fortifications or defences that had been set up to protect Jerusalem, or the temple. At various points the temple was defended in this manner, not only by the walls of the city, but by fortifications erected within, and so as to prevent an army from approaching the temple, even if they should penetrate the outer wall. Comp. 1 Mac. i. 36. The temple itself might thus be regarded as fortified, or as a place of strength — and, as a matter of fact, when Titus ultimately destroyed the city, the chief difficulty was to obtain possession of the temple — a place that held out to the last. When it is said that they would 'pollute the sanctuary of strength,' the reference is to what was done by Apollonius, at the command of Antiochus, to profane the temple, and to put an end to the sacrifices and worship there. Comp. 1 Mac. i. 29, 37—49; Jos. Ant. B. xii. cb. v. § 4. The account in the book of Maccabees is as follows: Thus they shed innocent blood on every his own land, to attack and lay waste 6ide of the sanctuary and defiled it, inso-
Jerusalem, and Apollonius did all that is here said would be done, ton concedes (p. 294), that tation might be admitted, if the other much that the inhabitants of Jerusalem fled because of them, wherefore the city was made a habitation of strangers, and became strange to those who were born parts were equally applicable to An- Jn h and fier Qwn childrcn left her. tiochus; but, says he, « the difficulty, Her sanctuary was laid waste like a wii_ or rather impossibility of applying them derness, and her feasts wore turned int* to Antiochus, or any of the Syrian mourning, her sabbaths into reproach, kings, his successors, objigea us to j her honour into contempt. As had been rupt by flatteries: but the people tion, or the result of his having laid the temple in ruins. The very expression occurs in 1 Mac. i. 54: "Now, the fif teenth day of the month Casleu, in the hundred and forty-fifth year, they set up the abomination of desolation upon the altar, and builded idol-altars throughout
32 And such as do wickedly against the covenant shall be a cor-
her glory, so was her dishonour increased, and her excellency was turned into mourn ing. Moreover, king Antiochus wrote to hid whole kingdom that all should be one people, and every one should learn his laws; so all the heathen agreed accord ing to the commandment of the king.
Yea many Israelites consented to his re- j the cities of Judah on every side." This ligion, and sacrificed unto idols, and pro- ] would seem, from ver. 59, to have been faned the sabbath. For the king had \ an idol-altar erected over or upon the altar sent letters by messengers unto Jerusa- j of burnt-offerings. "They did sacrifice lem and the cities of Judah, that they upon the idol-altar, which was upon the should follow the strange laws of the land, altar of God." " At this time an old man and forbid burnt-offerings, and sacrifices, | by the name of Athenaeus, was sent to and drink-offerings, in the temple; and ' Jerusalem to instruct the Jews in the that they should profane the sabbaths and Greek religion, and compel them to an festival days, and pollute the sanctuary '• observance of its rites. He dedicated tho and holy people; set up altars, and; temple to Jupiter Olympius, and on tho groves, and chapels of idols, and sacrifice: altar of Jehovah he placed a smaller swine's flesh, and unclean beasts; that j altar, to be used in sacrificing to the heathey should also leave their children uncir- I then god." Jahn, Heb. Commonwealth, cuincised, and make their souls abomina- j pp. 267, 268. The reference here is, proble with all manner of uncleanness and \ bably, to this altar, as being in itself, and profanation, to the end they might forget! in the situation where it was located, an the law, and change all the ordinances." j 'abominable' thing in the eyes of the He- ^[ And shall takeaicay the daily sacrifices. \ brews, and as being placed there by a That is, shall forbid them, and so pollute ' desolater, or waster. The same language the temple and the altar, as to prevent which is here used is applied in ch. ix. their being offered. See the quotation ] 27, and in the New Testament, with great above. This occurred in the month of propriety to what the Romans set up in June, B. C. 167. See Jahn, Heb. Com- 1 the temple as an indication of its conquest monwealth, p. 267. f And they thall and profanation; but that fact does not place the abomination that maketh desolate, j make it certain that it is so to be under-
Marg., or astonisheth. The Hebrew word — D5«?p — will bear either interpreta tion, though the usage of the word is in favour of the translation in the text. The passage will also admit of this trans lation, 'the abomination of desolation of him who makes desolate,' or of the desolater. See Gesenius, Lex. 3. The idea is, that somehow the thing here referred to would be connected with the desolation, or the laying waste of the city and tem ple, and the sense is not materially varied whether we regard it as 'the abomina tion that makes desolate,' that is, that in dicates tho desolation, or, ' the abomina tion of the desolater,' that is, of him who has laid the city and temple waste. On the meaning of the phrase 'abomination of desolation,' see Notes on ch. ix. 27. The reference here is, undoubtedly, to something that Antiochus set up in the temple, that was an indication of desola- stood here, for it is as applicable to what Antiochus did, as it is to what was done by the Romans. See Notes on ch. ix. 27. 32. And such as do wickedly against the covenant. That is, among the Jews. They who apostatized, and who became willing to receive the religion of foreigners. — There was such a party in Jerusalem, and it was numerous. See Jahn, Heb. Com monwealth, pp. 258, 259. Comp. 1 Mac. i. 52: " Then many of the people were gathered unto them, to wit, every one that forsook for the law; and so they committed evils in the land." ^[ Shall be corrupt \>y flatteries. By flattering promises of his favour, of office, of na tional prosperity, <fcc. See Notes on ver. 21. Tho margin is, cause to dissemble. The meaning of the Hebrew word — ^n — is rather to profane, to pollute, to defile / and the idea here is, that he would cause them to become defiled; that is, that h« that do know their God shall be | many: yet they shall fall by the strong, and do exploits. \ sword, and by "flame, by captivity,
33 And they that understand and by spoil, many days, among the people shall instruct 34 Now when they shall fall, they
would seduce them to impiety and apostacy. By fire. That is, probably, their dwell- 1T But the people that do know their God. \ ings would be fired, and they would per- They who adhere to the service and wor- i ish in the flames, or in caves where they ship of the true God, and who are inca- j fled for shelter, or by being cast into pable of being seduced to apostacy and | heated caldrons of brass. See 2 Mac. sin. The reference here is, undoubtedly, j vi. 11: "And others, that had run toto Judas Maccabeus and his followers — a gether into caves near by" (when Antifull account of whose doings is to be ochus endeavoured to enforce on them found in the books of the Maccabees. See the observance of heathen laws and cusalso Prideaux, Con. III. 245, seq., and torus) " to keep the Sabbath-day secretly, Jahn, Heb. Commonwealth, p. 268, seq. being discovered to Philip, were all burnt ^[ Shall be strong. Shall evince great va- together, because they made a conscience lour, and shall show great vigour in op- to keep themselves for the honour of the posing him. ^ And do exploits. The most sacred day." 2Mac.vii.3 — 5: "Then word 'exploits,' as in ver. 28, is supplied the king being in a rage, commanded by the translators, but not improperly, pans and caldrons to be made hot, which The meaning is, that they would show j forthwith being heated, he commanded great prowess and perform illustrious | to cut off the tongue of him that spoke deeds in battle. See Prideaux, Con. III.; first, and to cut off the utmost parts of pp. 262, 263. | his body, the rest of his brethren and his
33. And they that understand among \ mother looking on. Now when he was the people. Among the Hebrew people, thus maimed in all his members, he com- The allusion is to those who, in those mandedhim, being yet alive, to be brought times of so general corruption and apos- I to the fire, and to be fried in the pan," <fcc. tacy, should have a proper understand- j ^[ By captivity. 1 Mac. i. 33: "But the ing of the law of God and the nature of | women and children took they captive." religion. There were those in the days [ See also 2 Mac. v. 24. ^[ And, by spoil. of Judas Maccabeus, and it is reasonable By plunder, to wit, of the temple and to suppose that they would endeavour to city. See 1 Mac. i. 20 — 24. ^[ Many inculcate just views among the people, days. Heb., days. The time is not spe- ^ Shall instruct many. In the nature of i cified, but the idea is that it would be religion; in their duty to their country, and to God. See Prideaux, Con. III. 265. ^f Yet they shall fall by the sword. They shall not be immediately nor al ways successful. Their final triumph would be only after many of them had fallen in battle, or been made captives.
34. Noio tchen they shall fall, they shall be holpen with a little help. By small accessions to their forces. The
Mattathias, the father of Judas Macca- t armies of the Maccabees were never very beus, who began the opposition to Antiochus (1 Mac. ii. 1), having summoned to his standard as many as he could in duce to follow him, retired for security to the mountains. He was pursued, and numerous, but the idea here is, that when they should be persecuted there would be accessions to their forces so that they would be able to prosecute the war. At first the numbers were very few who took refusing to fight on the Sabbath, his ene- j up arms, and undertook to defend the mies came upon him, and slew many of j institutions of religion, but their numbers his followers. 1 Mac. ii. 14 — 37. The j increased until they were finally victoauthor of the book of Maccabees (1 Mac. rious. Those who first banded together, ii. 38) says of this: " So they rose up when the calamities came upon the naagainst them in battle on the Sabbath, j tion, were Mattathias and his few foland they slew them, with their wives and | lowers, and this is the little help that is
children, and their cattle, to the number of a thousand people." ^ And by flame.
here referred to. See 1 Mac. ii. ^ But many shall cleave to them. As was the shall be holpen with a little help: | and to purge, and to make iTiem but many shall cleave to them with j white, even to the time of the end: flatteries. because it is yet for a time cap-
35 And some of them of under- pointed, standing shall fall, to a try b them, I 36 ^And the king shall do ac-
case under Judas Maccabeus, when the mercenary motives. ^f To try them. forces were so far increased as to be able \ Marg., 'or, by them.' So the Hebrew — to contend successfully with Antiochus.; D?a. The meaning, perhaps, is, that it f With flatteries. Perhaps, with flatter- j would be, th ag ifc tha(. thfl ing hopes of spoil or honour; that is,! w<mjj be tried> As th WQuld that they would not unite sincerely with i fall -n bftttl and ag the cau/e WQuld the defenders of the true religion, but seem to be doubtful this would tesfc the would be actuated by prospect of plunder fidelifc of othergi The word here_ or reward. For the meaning of the word, see Notes on ver. 21. The sense here j "P'-means P™perly to melt, to smelt-w is not that Judas would flatter them, or rnetals; then to prove any one; and then would secure their co-operation by flat- | to purify. «[ And to purge. To purify; teries, but that this would be what they to test the army and to make it pure, would propose to their own minds, and, f And *° make them white. To wit, by what would influence them. Comp.! thus allowing those who had joined tho 1 Mac. v. 55, 56, 57: "Now what time as i army from mercenary motives to with- Judas and Jonathan were in the land of draw. Comp. 2 Mac. xii. 39—41. f Even Galaad, and Simon his brother in Gali- I to the time of the end. The end of the lee before Ptolemais, Joseph the son of j war, or the conflict. There would be an Zacharias, and Azarias, captains of the I end of these persecutions and trials, and garrisons, heard of the violent acts and this process had reference to that, or warlike deeds which they had done.: tended to bring it about. The act of Wherefore they said, Let us also get us freeing the army from false friends— a name, and go fight against the heathen ' from those who had joined it from merround about us." Comp. 2 Mac. xii. 40; cenary motives, would have a tendency xiii. 21. There can be no doubt that to accomplish the result in the best way many might join them from these mo-! possible, and in the speediest manner.
tives. Such an event would be likely to occur any where, when one was success ful, and where there was a prospect of spoils or of fame in uniting with a victo
Because it is yet for a time appointed. See Notes on ver. 27. This seems to bo designed for an assurance that the cala mity would come to an end, or that there was a limit beyond which it could not pass. Thus it would be an encourage ment to those who were engaged in tho a correct understanding of religion, and ' struggle, for they would see that success who have joined the army from pure must ultimately crown their labours, motives. Tho idea seems to be that on 36. And the king shall do according to some occasion they would meet with a his will. Shall be absolute and supreme, temporary defeat, in order that the sin- j and shall accomplish his purposes. This cerity of the others might be tested, or refers, it seems to me, beyond question, that it might be seen who adhered to! to Antiochus Epiphanes, and was exactly the cause from principle, and who from fulfilled in him. He accomplished his selfish purposes. If they should not al-! purposes in regard to the city and ternways be successful; if they should be! pie in the most arbitrary manner, and was, temporarily defeated; if some of the most j in every respect, an absolute despot. It eminent among them should fall among; should be said, however, here, that most the slain, and if the cause should at any. Christian interpreters suppose that the altime look dark, this would serve to try \ lusion here to Antiochus ceases, and that tho sincerity of the remainder of tho henceforward it refers to Antichrist. So army, and would be likely to t hi n it off Jerome, Gill, Bp. Newton, and others; and of those who had joined it only from 39* so Jerome says many of the Jews under- cording to his will; and a he shall I the indignation be accomplished. exalt himself, and magnify him- j for that that is determined h shall self above every god, and shall j be done.
stood it. The only reason alleged for the right which they must be supposed to this is, that there are things affirmed claim to prescribe their own worship. here of the 'king' which could not be, ^[ And shall speak marvellous things. true of Antiochus. But, in opposition to j The Hebrew word — rriNSaj — would prothis, it may be observed (a) that • theallu-| } y denote things wonderful, or fitted sionm the previous verses is undoubtedly t. astonishment; things that are to Antiochus Epiphanes. (b) There is no indication of any change, for the pro phetic narrative seems to proceed as if the allusion to the same person continued, (c) The word ' kiny' is not a word to be applied to Antichrist, it being nowhere used of him. (d) Such a transition, without any more decided marks of it, would not bo in accordance with the usual method in the prophetic writings, leaving a plain prediction in the very midst of the description, and passing on at once to a representation of one who would arise after many hundred years, and of whom the former could be considered as in no way the type. The most obvious and honest way, therefore, of interpreting this is, to refer it to Antiochus, and per haps we shall find that the difficulty of applying it to him is not insuperable. ^ And he shall exalt himself. No one can doubt that this will agree with Anti ochus Epiphanes — a proud, haughty, ab- unusual and extraordinary: and the meaning here is, that the things spoken would be so impious and atrocious — so amazing and wonderful for their wicked ness, as to produce amazement. IT Against the God of gods. The true God, Jehovah; he is supreme, and is superior to all that is called God, or that is worshipped as such. Nothing could be better descrip tive of Antiochus than this; nothing was ever more strikingly fulfilled than this was in him. ^ And shall prosper till the indignation be accomplished. Referring still to the fact that there was an ap pointed time during which this was to continue. That time might well be called a time of ' indignation/ for the Lord seemed to be angry against his temple and people, and suffered this heathen king to pour out his wrath without mea sure against the temple, the city, and the whole land. ^ for that that is de termined shall be done. What is purposed solute, and stern monarch, the purpose | in rd to tho city and temple> and to ofwhos^rmgn was to exalt himself, and j all other things musfc be accompiisbed,
Comp. ch. x. 21. The angel here states a general truth — that all that God has ordained will come to pass. Tho appii- to extend the limits of his empire. ^ And maynify himself above every god. That is, by directing what gods should or should not be worshipped; attempting cation of this truth here' is, that the series to displace the claim of every one who of evcnts must be suffered to run on, and was worshipped as God at his pleasure,! that i(. could not be expected that they and establishing the worship ot other | wmii,i KP nrrAstPfl until nil tW tmrt K™« Thus he assumed gods in their place, the right to determine what God should bo worshipped in Jerusalem, abolishing the worship of Jehovah, and setting up that of Jupiter Olympius in tho stead; and so throughout his whole dominion, by a proclamation, he forbade the wor ship of any god but his, 1 Mac. i. 44 — 51; Jos. Ant. B. xii. ch. v. § 4, 5. One who assumes or claims the right to forbid the adoration of any particular god, and to would be arrested, until all thnt had been determined in tho divine mind should be effected. They who would suffer, there fore, in those times must wait with pa tience until the divine purposes should be brought about, and when the period should arrive, the calamities would cease.
37. Neither shall he regard the God of his fathers. The God that his fathers or ancestors had worshipped. That is, ho would not be bound or restrained by the order "divine homage to bo rendered to j religion of his own land, or by any of the any one which he chooses, exalts himself j usual laws of religion. He would worabove the gods, as he in this way denies 1 ship any God that he ploased, or none as
God of his fathers, nor the desire of he pleased. The usual restraints that bind men — the restraints derived from the religion of their ancestors — would in his case be of no avail. Seo Notes on ver. 36. This was in all respects true of Antioehus. At his pleasure he worship ped the gods commonly adored in his country, or the gods worshipped by the Greeks and Romans, or no gods. And, in a special manner, instead of honouring the God of his fathers, and causing the image of that God to be placed in the temple at Jerusalem, as it might have been supposed he would, he caused the altar of Jupiter Olyrapius to be set up there and his worship to be celebrated there. In fact, as Antioehus had been educated abroad, and had passed his early life in foreign countries, ho had never paid much respect to the religion of his own land. The attempt to intro duce a foreign religion into Judea, was an attempt to introduce the religion of the Greeks (Jahn, Hob. Commonwealth, p. 267), and in no instance did he endeavour to force upon them the peculiar religion of his own nation. In his private feel ings, therefore, and in his public acts, it might be said of Antioehus, that he was characterized in an eminent degree by a want of regard for the faith of his ances tors. The language used here by the an gel is that which would properly denote great infidelity and impiety. ^[ Nor the desire of icomen. The phrase ' the de sire of women' is in itself ambiguous, and may either mean what they desire, that is, what is agreeable to them, or what they commonly seek, and for which they would plead; or it may mean At* own desire; that is, that he would not be restrained by the desire of women — by any regard for women, for honourable matrimony, or by irregular passion. The phrase here is probably to be taken in the former sense, as this best suits the connection. There has been great variety in the in terpretation of this expression. Some have maintained that it cannot be appli cable to Antioehus at all, since he was a man eminently licentious and under the influence of abandoned women. Jerome, in lac., J. D. Michaelis, Dereser, Geseniu?, and Lengerke suppose that this means that he would not regard tho beautiful
women, nor regard any god: for he shall magnify himself above » all.
statue of the goddess Venus whose tem ple was in Elymais, which he plundered. Staudlin and Dathe, that ho would not regard the weeping or tears of women; that is, that he would be cruel. Bertholdt, that he would not spare little children — the object of a mother's love; that is, that he would be a cruel tyrant. Jerome renders it, Et erit in concnpiscentiia foeminarum, and explains it of unbridled lust, and applies it principally to Antio ehus. Elliott, strangely it seems to me (Apocalypse iv. 152), interprets it as re ferring to that which was so much the object of desire among the Hebrew wo men — the Messiah, the promised seed of the woman; and he says that he had found this opinion hinted at by Faber on the Prophecies (Ed. 5), i. 380 — 385. Others expound it, as signifying that he would not regard honourable matrimony, but would be given to unlawful pleasures. It may not be practicable to determine | with certainty the meaning of the expres-; sion, but it seems to me that the design j of the whole is to set forth the impiety! and hard-heartedncss of Antioehus. He | would not regard the gods of his fathers;! that is, he would not be controlled by any | of the principles of the religion in which he had been educated, but would set them all at defiance, and would do as he pleased; and, in like manner, he would be unaf fected by the influences derived from the female character — would disregard the objects that were nearest to their hearts, their sentiments of kindness and com passion; their pleadings and their tears: — he would be a cruel tyrant, alike re gardless of all the restraints derived from heaven and earth — the best influences from above and from below. It is not necessary to say that this agrees exactly with the character of Antioehus. He was sensual and corrupt, and given to licentious indulgence, and was incapa ble of honourable and pure love, and was a stranger to all those bland and pure affections produced by intercourse with refined and enlightened females. If one wishes to describe a high state of tyranny and depravity in a man, it cannot be done better than by saying that he disregards whatever is attractive and interesting to a virtuous female mind, f Nor regard
38 But «in his b estate shall he
1 as for the almighty Gr>d,inJris neat he. shaft honour, yea,, he shall honour a God, &c.
honour the god of c forces: and a any god. Any religious restraints what- who would succeed another — occupying ever — the laws of any god worshipped in i the same place, or the same seat or his own land or elsewhere — in heaven or I throne. See Notes on ver. 2. Here on earth. That is, he would be utterly it seems to mean that he would honirreligious in heart, and where it con- our the god referred to in the place flicted with his purposes would set at i which he occupied, or, as it were, on hia nought every consideration derived from I own throne, or in his own temple. The reverence to God. This harmonizes well I margin is, 'or stead;' but the idea is with the previous declaration about wo men. The two commonly go together. He that is unrestrained by the attractive virtues of the female mind and character; he that has no regard for the sympathies and kindnesses that interest virtuous fe males; he that sees nothing lovely in what commonly engages their thoughts;
not that he would honour this god instead of another, but that he would do it in his own place. If, however, as Gesenius and De Wette suppose, the sense is, 'in his place, or stead,' the correct inter pretation is, that he would honour this 'god of forces,' in the stead of honouring the God of bis father?, or any other god.
and he that throws himself beyond the I The general idea is clear, that he would restraints of their society, and the effects | show disrespect or contempt for all other of their conversation, is commonly a man who cuts himself loose from all religion, and is at the same time a despiser of vir tuous females, and of God. No one will expect piety towards God to be found in a bosom that sees nothing to interest him in the sympathies and virtues of the fe male mind; and the character of a womanhater and a hater of God will uniformly be found united in the same person. Such a person was Antiochus Epiphanes; and such men have often been found in the world. ^ For he shall magnify him self above alt. Above all the restraints I gods, and pay his devotions to this god alone, ^ Shall he honour. Pay respect to; worship; obey. This would be hia god. He would show no respect to tho God of his fathers, nor to any of the idols usually worshipped, but would honour this god exclusively. ^[ The god of forces. Marg., Maiizzim, or, gods protectors, or munitions. Heb. D^i'D, Mauzzim. Latin Vulg., Manzim; Gr. paw£ei/j; Syriac, 'tho strong God;' Luther, mausim; Lengerke, der Vesten — fastnesses, fortresses. The Hebrew word — Tf>r — means, properly, a of religion, and all those derived from the I strong or fortified place; a fortress; and intercourse of virtuous social life— setting | Gesemus (Lex.) supposes that the referatnouchtall the restraints that usually cnce here is to "the god of fortresses, a at nought all the restraints that usually bind men. Comp. Notes on ch. viii. 10, 11.
deity of the Syrians obtruded upon the reading here is, 'Asfor the ahmghty God j Winer< De mvernick, and Len gerke explain it as referring to the Juthat Antiochus had in his seat, he shall honou honour a god, &c.' The more correct rendering, however, is that in the text, and the reference is to some god which he would honour, or for which he would show respect. The rendering proposed by Lengerke is the true rendering, 'But the god of forces [firm places, fastnesses — der Vesten'] he shall honour in their foundation' [auf seinem Gcatelle.] The Vulgate renders this, ' But the God Maozim shall he honour in his place.' So also the Greek. The phrase 'in his es tate' — U3— Sj? — means properly, 'upon his base,' or foundation. It occurs in vs. 20, 21, where it is applied to a monarch learned to worship by his long residence in Rome, and whose worship he trans ferred to his own country. There has been no little speculation as to the mean ing of this passage, and as to the god hero referred to; but it would seem that the general idea is plain. It is, that the only god which he would acknowledge would be force, or power, or dominion. He would set at nought the worship of the God of his fathers, and all the usual obligations and restraints of religion; he would dis card and despise all the pleadings of hu manity and kindness, as if they were the god whom his fathers knew not. ver, and with precious stones, and shall he honour with gold, with sil-' with a pleasant things.
weaknesses ofwomen, and he would depend | it may be remarked that, when in Rome, solely on force. He would, as it were, where Antiochus spent his early years, adore only the 'god of force/ and carry I he had learned to worship the Jupiter of his purposes, not by right, or by the claims the capitol, and that he endeavoured to of religion, but by arms. The meaning j introduce the worship of that foreign god is not, I apprehend, that he would for- i into Syria. Of this fact there can be no mally set up this ' god of forces' and adore J doubt. It was one of the characteristics him, but that this would be, in fact, the- of Antiochus that ho imitated the manonly god that he would practically ac- ners and customs of the Romans to a riknowledge. In selecting such a god as j diculous extent (Diod. Sic. Frag. xxvi. would properly represent his feelings, he j 65), and it was a fact that he sent rich would choose such an one as would de- | gifts to Rome in honour of the Jupiter note force or dominion. Such a god would. worshipped there (Livy Ixii. 6), and that be the god of war, or the Roman Jupiter, | he purposed to erect a magnificent temwho, as being supreme, and ruling the pie in honour of Jupiter Capitolinus in world by his mere power, would be a fit • Antioch, Livy xli. 20. This temple, howrepresentative of the prevailing purpose; ever, was not completed. It will be reof the Messiah. The general sentiment | membered, also, that he caused an altar is, that all obligations of religion, and i to Jupiter to be erected over the altar of justice, and compassion, would be disre- j burnt-sacrifice in Jerusalem. It should garded, and he would carry his purposes j be added that they who apply this to Anby mere power, with the idea, perhaps, j tichrist, or the Pope, refer it to idol or included, as seems to be implied in the i image worship. Elliott (Apocalypse, iv. remainder of the verse, that he would j 153) supposes that it relates to the hornset up and adore such a foreign god as | age paid to the saints and martyrs under would be a suitable representation of this j the Papacy, and says that an appellation purpose. It is hardly necessary to say j answering to the word Jl/ahiizzim, was that this was eminently true of Antiochus actually given to the departed martyrs Epiphanes; and it maybe equally said j and saints under the Papal apostacy. to be true of all the great heroes and con- 1 Thus he remarks: "As to what is said querors of the world. Mars, the god of i of the wilful king's honouring the god war, was thus adored openly in ancient i Mahuzzim (a god whom his fathers knew times, and the devotion of heroes and con- ' not) in place of his ancestors' god, and querors to that idol god, though less open j the true God, it seems to me to have and formal, has not been less real by the j been well and consistently explained, by heroes and conquerors of modern times; a reference to those saints, and their reand, as wo say now of an avaricious or covetous man that he is a worshipper of mammon, though he in fact formally wor- tics and imaycs, which the apostacy from its first development regarded and wor shipped as the Mahuzzim, or fortresses ships no god, a.nd has no altar, so it might ' of tho places where they were deposbe affirmed of Antiochus, and may be of I ited." Apoc. iv. 157. But all this apheroes and conquerors in general, that the I pears forced and unnatural; and if it be only god that is honoured is the god of supposed t..;at it was designed to refer to war, of power, of force; and that setting at naught all the obligations of religion,
Antichrist or the Papacy, no application of the language can be found so obvious and of worship of the true God, they pay j and appropriate as that which supposes their devotions to this god alone. Next! that it refers to Antiochus, and to his reto mammon, the god that is most adored; liance enforce rather than on justice and in this world is the 'god of force' — this 'right. U And a god whom his fathers knew Mauzzim that Antiochus so faithfully j not. This foreign god, Jupiter, whom he served. In illustration of the fact that seems here to bo implied, that he would introduce such a god as would bo a fit representative of this purpose of hie life, had learned to worship at Rome, f Shall he honour with gold, with silver, and with precious stones, &c. That is, he shall lavish these things on building a tempi*
39 Thus shall he do in the a most, increase with glory: and he shall strong holds with a strange god,! cause them to rule over many, and whom he shall acknowledge, and shall divide the land for bgain. a fortresses of munitions. b a price.
for him, or in his image. This accords i pire — the Jupiter of the capitol. He with the account which Livy gives (xli. i seemed to be acting under the auspices 20) of the temple which he commenced j of this foreign god. «[ Whom he shall at Antioch in honour of Jupiter. Livy i acknowledge. By building temples and says that, although in his conduct he was altars to him. <[ And increase with glory. profligate, and although in many things; That is, with honour. Ho would seein it was supposed that he was deranged —; to increase or extend his dominion in Quidam hand dubie insanire aiebant — yet | the world, by introducing his worship that in two respects he was distinguished! in his own country and in the lands for having a noble mind — for his worship! which he would conquer. Before, his of the gods, and for the favour towards j dominion appeared to be only at Rome; cities in adorning them: In dttabus tamen | Antiochus sought that it might be exmagnia honestisque rebus fere reghis erat j tended farther, over his own kingdom, animus, in urbinm donis, et deornm cultu. j and over the countries that he would He then adds, in words that are all the j conquer. f And he shall cause them to commentary which we need in the pas- I rule over many. That is, the foreign sage before us: Magnificcntice ve.ro in deos j gods. Mention had been made before vel Jovis Olympii templum Athenis, uncem j of only one God; but the introduction of in terris inchoatum pro magnitudine del, \ the worship of Jupiter would be naturally potest testis esse. Sed et Delonaris insig- connected with that of the other gods of nibus statuarumque copia exornavit; et j Rome, and they are, therefore, referred Antiochice Jovis capitolini magnijicnm j to in this manner. The conquests of templum, non laqueatum auro tantum, sed • Antiochus would seem to be setting up parietibus toti's lamina inauratum, et alia, j the dominion of these gods over the lands nntlta in aliis locis pollicitus, quia per- \ which he subdued, ^j" And shall divide breve tempus regni ejns fuit, non perfecit. \ the land, for gain. Marg., a price. The *[ And with pleasant things. Marg., things \ reference here is, probably, to the holy dcnired. That is, with ornaments, or sta- j land, and the idea is that it would be tuary. or perhaps pictures. Comp. Notes j partitioned out among his followers for on Isa. ii. 16. He meant that the temple I a price, or with a view to gain; that is, should be beautified and adorned in the j perhaps, that it would be 'farmed out' highest degree. This temple, Livy says, | for the purpose of raising revenue, and he did not live to finish. j that, with this view, as often occurred, it
39. Thus shall he do in the most strong- j would be set up for sale to the highest holds. Marg., fortresses of munitions. — bidder. This was a common way of The reference is to strongly fortified raising revenue, by ' farming out' a conplaces; to those places which had been I quered province; that is, by disposing of made strong for purposes of defence. — j the privilege of raising a revenue in it to
The idea is, that he would carry on his purposes against these places, as it were, under the auspices of this strange god. It was a fact, that in his wars Antiochus came into possession of the strong places, or the fortified towns of the nations which he attacked — Jerusalem, Sidon, Pelu- the one who would offer most for it, and the consequence was, that it gave rise to vast rapacity in extorting funds from tho people. Comp. 1 Mac. iii. 35, 36, where, speaking of Lysias, whom Antiochus had 'set to oversee the affairs of the king from the river Euphrates unto the bor- sium, Memphis — then among the strong- i ders of Egypt/ it is said of Antiochus est places in the world. ^ With a strange I that he " gave him [Lysias] charge of all god. A foreign god whom his fathers did things that he would have done, as als> not acknowledge; that is, according to! concerning them that dwelt in Judea and the supposition above, and according to! Jerusalem, to wit, that he would send an the fact, with the god whom he had j army against them, to destroy and root adored at Rome, and whose worship he > out the strength of Israel, and the reniwas ambitious to transfer to his own om-j nant of Jerusalem, and to take away
40 fl And at the time of the end shall the king of the south push at their memorial from that place; and that he should place strangers in all their quarters, and divide their land by lot."
40. And at the time of the end. See ver. 35. The ' time of the end' must properly denote the end or consummation of the series of events under considera tion, or the matter in hand, and properly and obviously means here the end or consummation of the transactions which had been referred to in the previous part of the vision. It is equivalent to what wo would say by expressing it thus: ' at the winding up of the affair.' In ch. xii. 4, 9, 13, the word ' end/ however, ob viously refers to another close or consum mation — the end or consummation of the affairs that reach far into the future— the final dispensation of this in this world. It has been held by many that this could not be understood as referring to Antiochus, because what is here stated did not occur in the close of his reign. Perhaps the most obvious interpretation of what is said in this and the subsequent verses to the end of the chapter would be, that, after the series of events referred to in the previous verses; after Anti ochus had invaded Egypt, and had been driven thence by the tear of the Romans, he would, in the close of his reign, again attack that country, and bring it, and Lybia, and Ethiopia into subjec tion (ver. 42); and that when there, tid ings out of the north should compel him to abandon the expedition and return again to his own land. Porphyry (see Jerome, in toe.), says that this was so, and that Antiochus actually invaded Egypt in the ' eleventh year of his reign/ which was the year before he died; and he maintained, therefore, that all this had a literal application to Antiochus, and that being so literally true, it must have been written after the events had occurred. Unfortunately the thirteen books of Porphyry are lost, and we have only the fragments of his works preserved which are to be found in the Commentary of Jerome on the Book of Daniel. The statement of Porphyry, referred to by Jerome, is contrary to the otherwise uni versal testimony of history about the last j days of Antiochus, and there are such j improbabilities in the statement as to leaye tho general impression that Por phyry in this respect falsified history in order to make it appear that this must j have been written after the events re ferred to. If the statement of Porphyry! were correct, there would be no difficulty: in applying this to Antiochus. The | common belief, however, in regard to Antiochus is, that he did not invade i Egypt after the series of events referred j to above, and after he had been required: to retire by the authority of the Roman; ambassadors as stated in the Notes on '- ver. 30. This belief accords also with all the probabilities of the case. Under these circumstances, many commentators! have supposed that this portion of the; chapter (vs. 40 — 45) could not refer to; Antiochus, and they have applied it to i Antichrist, or to the Roman power. Yet how forced and unnatural such an appli cation must be, any one can perceive by examining Newton on the Prophecies, pp.: 308 — 315. The obvious, and perhaps it may be added the honest, application of! the passage must be to Antiochns. This is that which would occur to any reader of the prophecy; this is that which ho | would obviously hold to be the true ap- \ plication; and this is that only which would occur to any one, unless it were deemed necessary to bend the prophecy j to accommodate it to the history. Hon esty and fairness, it seems to me, require that we should understand this as refer ring to the series of events which had been described in the previous portion of the chapter, and as designed to state tho ultimate issue or close of the whole.
There will be no difficulty in this if we may regard these verses (40 — 45) as con taining a recapitulation, or a summing up of the series of events, with a statement of the manner in which they would close. If so interpreted, all will be clear. It will then be a general statement of what would occur in regard to this remarkable transaction that would so materially affect the interests of religion in Judea, and be such an important chapter in the history of the world. This summing up, more over, would give occasion to mention some circumstances in regard to the con quests of Antiochus which could not so well be introduced in the narrative itself, and to present, in few words, a summary of all that would occur, and to state the him: and the king of the north f tries, and shall overflow and pass shall come against him like » a | over.
whirlwind, with chariots, and with I 41 He shall enter also into the horsemen, and with many ships; i b glorious c land and many countries manner in which all would be terminated. Such a summing up, or recapitulation, is not uncommon, and, in this way, the im pression of the whole would be more disdinct. With this view, the phrase 'and at the time of the end' (ver. 40), would refer, not so much to the ' time of the end' of the reign of Antiochus, but the ' time of the end' of the whole series of the transactions referred to by the angel ns recorded 'in the Scriptures of truth,' (ch. x. 21), from the time of Darius the Mede (ch. xi. 1), to the close of the reign of Antiochus — a series of events em bracing a period of some three hundred and fifty years. Viewed in reference to this long period, the whole reign of An tiochus, which was only eleven years, might be regarded as ' the time of the end.' It was, indeed, the most disastrous portion of the whole period, and in this chapter it occupies more space than all that went before it — for it was to be the time of the peculiar and dreadful trial of the Hebrew people, but it was ' the end' of the land of Egypt, and when he ob tained possession of the person of Ptol emy. See Notes on fs. 25 — 27. f With chariots, and with horsemen, and with many ships. All this literally occurred in the successive invasions of Egypt by Antiochus. See the Notes above. ^ And he shall enter into the countries. Into Ccelesyria, Palestine, Egypt, and the ad jacent lands. ^ And shall over/low, and pass over. Like a flood he shall spread his armies over these countries. See Notes on ver. 22.
41. He shall enter also into the glorious land. Marg., land of delight, or 07-710- metit, or goodly land. The Hebrew is, 'land of ornament;' that is, of beauty, to wit, Palestine, or the holy land. The same word is used in ver. 16. See Notes on that place. As to the fact that he would invade that land, see Notes on vs. 28, 31 — 33. ^ And many countries shall be overthrown. The word countries hero is supplied by the translators. The He- of the matter— the winding up of the brew word— ni2n— may denote 'many series — theclosing of the events on which things/ and mightrefer to cities, dwellings, the eye of the angel was fixed, and which I institutions, &c. The meaning is, that ho were so important to be known before- would produce wide devastation — which hand. In these verses, therefore, (40 — 45,) he sums up what would occur in what he here calls appropriately 'the time of the end' — the period when the predicted termination of this series of im portant events should arrive — to wit, in the brief and eventful reign of Antiochus. ^| Shall be king of the South. The king of Egypt. See vs. 5, 6, 9. f Push at him. As in the wars referred to in the previous verse — in endeavouring to ex pel him from Coelesyria and Palestine, and from Egypt itself, vs. 25, 29, 30. See Notes on these verses, ^ And the king of the north shall come against him.
The king of Syria — Antiochus. Against the king of Egypt. He shall repeatedly invade his lands. See the Notes above.
^f Like a tchfrlwind. As if he would sweep everything before him. This he did when he invaded Egypt; when ho i the Romans; he was also engaged with
Mia«d on M«mphU, and tha tost portion; the Jews, for Paleetine had been thebattl*- was true of Antiochus, when, either per sonally, or by his generals, he invaded the land of Palestine. See the Notes above. 11 But these shall escape out of his hand, &c. Intent on his work in Palestine, and having enough there to occupy his atten tion, the neighbouring lands of Edom, Moab, and Ammon shall not be molested by him. The wrath of Antiochus was particularly against the Jews, and it is not a little remarkable that no mention is made of his invading these adjacent countries. The route which he pursued was to Egypt, along the shores of the Mediterranean, and though he turned from his course to wreak his vengeance on the Jews, yet it does not appear that he carried his arms farther from the main line of his march. Antiochus was prin cipally engaged with the Egyptians and shall be overthrown: but these shall | also upon the countries; and the escape out of his hand, even aEdom,! land of Egypt shall not escape.
and Moiib, and the chief of the chil dren of Ammon. 42 He shall b stretch forth his hand
43 Eut he shall have power over the treasures of gold and of silver, and over all the precious things of
field — the main place and object of con tention between the king of Syria and the king of Egypt. Moab, and Edom, and Ammon, were comparatively remote from the scene of conflict, and were left unmolested. It would seem most probable, also, that these nations were friendly to Antiochus, and were in alli ance with him, or at least it is certain that they were hostile to the Jews, which, for the purposes of Antiochus, amounted to the same thing. Judas Maccabeus is represented as engaged with them in war, and consequently they must have either been in alliance with Antiochus, or in some other way promoting his interests. See 1 Mac. iv. 61, v. 3, 6, 8, 9. These countries were, therefore, in fact, secure from the invasions of Antiochus, and so far the prophecy was literally fulfilled. It may be added (a) that no occurrence since that time has taken place to which the prophecy can with propriety be ap plied; and (6) that no natural sagacity could have foreseen this, and that, there fore, if the prediction was uttered before the days of Antiochus, it must have been the result of divine inspiration. As to the former of these remarks, (a) if any one is desirous of seeing how forced and unnatural must be any attempt to apply this to any other times than those of An tiochus, he has only to consult Bishop Newton on the Prophecies, (pp. 311 — 313,) who explains it as referring to the Othman empire, and to the fact that though the Turks have been able to take Jerusa lem, they have never been able to subdue the Arabians, the Moabites, or the Ammon ites. Aleppo, Damascus, and Gaza, says he, were forced to submit, but these other places 'escaped out of the hands' of the Turks. As to the other remark, (b) if one writing after the events, had intended to give a brief and striking view of what Antiochus did, he could not find better language to express it than to say in the words of the passage before us, ' He shall enter also into the glorious land, and many countries shall be overthrown; but these shall escape out of his hand, even
Edom, and Moab, and the chief of the children of Ammon fell.' But it is clear that there is no natural sagacity by which this could be foreseen. There was no thing in the character of those nations, or in the nature of the case, which would lead one to anticipate it — for the presumption j would be, that if a desolating Avar were; waged on Palestine by a cruel conqueror, j his ravages would be extended to the neighbouring countries also.
42. He shall stretch forth his hand aha upon the countries. Marg., send forth. Significant of war and conquest. Tho idea is, that he would be an invader of
| foreign lands — a characteristic which it is I not necessary to show appertained to
Antiochus. ^ And the land of Egypt i shall not escape. Moab and Edom, and | the land of Ammon would escape, but | Egypt would not. "We have seen in the! exposition of this chapter, (Notes on vs. I 25—28,) that he, in fact, subdued Memphis and the best portions of Egypt, and j even obtained possession of the person of
43. But he shall have poiver over the. treasures of gold and of silver. See Notes on ver. 28. Having seized upon the most important places in Egypt, and having possession of the person of the king, he would, of course, have the wealth of Egypt at his disposal, and would return to his land laden with spoils, f And over all the precioits things of Egypt. The rich lands; the public buildings; the contents of the royal palace; the works of art, and the monuments, and books, and implements of war. All these would, of course, be at the disposal of the con queror, ^f And the Libyans. The word Libyans, in the Hebrew Scriptures, is
! everywhere joined with the Egyptians and Ethiopians. They are supposed to have been a people of Egyptian origin, and their country bordered on Egypt in the West. See Tanner's Ancient Atlas. A conquest of Egypt was almost in itself a conquest of Libya. ^ And the Ethiopi ans. Heb., Cashitet— typb- On the gen eral meaning of the word (Jrmh. or Etkio-
Egypt: and the Libyans and Ethio pians shall be at his steps.
44 But tidings out of the east and out of the north shall trouble him:
therefore he shall go forth with great fury to destroy, and utterly to make away many.
pia in the Scriptures, see Notes on Isa. j xi. 11. The reference here, undoubt-, edly, is to the African Cush or Ethiopia, j •which bounded Egypt on the south, j This country comprehended not only Ethiopia above Syene and the Cataracts, but likewise Thebais or Upper Egypt. A subjugation of Egypt would be in fact j almost a conquest of this land, f Shall bo at Ins steps. Gcsenius renders this, ' in his company.' The word means pro- j perly step, or walk.. Comp. Ps. xxxvii. | 23; Prov. xx. 24. The Vulgate renders • this, 'And he shall pass also through Libya and ^Ethiopia.' The Gr., 'And he • shall have power over all the secret trea sures of gold and of silver, and over all the desirable things of Egypt, and of the Libyans, and of the Ethiopians, in their strongholds.' Lengerke renders it, 'And the Libyans and Ethiopians shall follow his steps.' The proper sense of the He brew would be, that they accompanied him; that they marched with him or fol lowed him; and the phrase would be ap plicable either to those who were allies, or who were led captive. The more proba ble idea would be that they were allies, or were associated with him, than that they were captives. I do not know that there are any distinct historical facts which show the truth of what is here pre dicted respecting Antiochus, but it can not be considered as improbable that the prophecy was fulfilled; for, («) as already observed, these nations, naturally allied to Egypt, as being a part of the same people, bounded Egypt on the west and on the south; (b) in the days of Ezekiel (Ezek. xxx. 4, 5), we find that they were actually confederated with Egypt in a 'league/ and that the calamity which fell upon Egypt, also fell directly upon Ethiopia and Libya; and (c) the posses sion of Egypt, therefore, would be natu rally followed with the subjugation of these places, or it might be presumed that they would seek the alliance and friendship of one who had subdued it.
44. But tidings out of the east and out of the north shall trouble him. Shall dis turb him, or alarm him. That is, he will hear something from those quarters that will disarrange all his other plans, or that will summon him forth in his last and final expedition — on that expedition in which ' he will corne to his end' (ver. 45), or which will be the end of this series of historical events. The reference hero is to the winding up of this series of transactions, and, according to the view taken on ver. 40 (see Notes on that place), it is not necessary to suppose that this would happen immediately after what is stated in ver. 43, but it is rather to be re garded as a statement of what would oc cur in the end, or of the manner in which • the person here referred to would finally come to an end, or in which these events would be closed. As a matter of fact, Antiochus, as will be seen in the Notes on ver. 45, was called forth in a warliko expedition by tidings or reports from Parthia and Armenia — regions lying to the | east and the north, and it was in this ex-! pedition that he lost his life, and that (his I series of historical events was closed. | Lengerke says, Antiochus assembled an i army to take vengeance on the Jews, who, i after the close of the unfortunate cam-: paign in Egypt, rose up, under the Mac- 1 cabees against Antiochus. (1 Mac. iii.! 10, seq.). Then the intelligence that the! Parthians in the east, and the Armenians j in the north, had armed themselves for | war against him, alarmed him. So Ta citus (Hist. v. 8) says [Antiochus Judaeis], j Dewere super stitionem et mores Grceconim adnixus, quominus teterrimam gentem in j melius inutarf.t, Parthorum be/lo prohibitus est, nam ea tempestate arsaces defecerat. In the year 147 15. C., Antiochus went on, the expedition to Persia and Armenia, on the return from which he died. The occa sions for this were these: (a) Artaxias, the; king of Armenia, who was his vassal, hud revolted from him, and (b) he sought to re plenish his exhausted treasures, that he might wage the war with Judas Macca beus. See 1 Mac. iii. 27 — 37; Jos. Ant. B.! xii. ch. vii. $ 2; Appian Syriac. xlvi. 80; 1 Porphyry, in Jerome, in loc. ^ There- ] fore shall he go forth with great fury to destroy, «fcc. Great fury at the revolt of Artaxias, and especially at this juncture when he was waging war with the Jews;
45 And he shall plant the taber nacles of his palaces between the seas in the a glorious holy mountain:
yet bhe shall come to his end, and none shall help him.
and great fury at tho Jews, with a j place in one of those quarters. The fact determination to obtain the means ut- ] was, that he had two objects in view — the terly to destroy them. 1 Mac. iii. 27: one was to put down the revolt in Arme- '* Now when king Antiochus heard these nia; and the other to replenish his exthings [the successes of Judas Mac- hausted treasures from Persia. The forcabeus], he was full of indignation."; mer would be naturally that which he In every way his wrath was kindled, would first, endeavour to accomplish, for He was enraged against the Jews on | if he suffered the revolt to proceed, it account of their success; he was en- j might increase to such an extent that it raged against Artaxias for revolting would be impossible to subdue it. Befrom him; he was enraged because his sides, he would not be likely to go to Pertrcasury was exhausted, and he had not sia when there was a formidable insurthe means of prosecuting the war. In; rection in his rear, by which he might be this mood of mind he crossed the Eu- i harassed either in Persia, or on his return, phrates (1 Mac. iii. 37) to prosecute the! It is most probable, therefore, that he war in the East, and, as it is said here, \ would first quell the rebellion in Armenia 'utterly to make away many.' Every j on his way to Persia, and that the place thing conspired to kindle his fury, and, in here referred to where he would pitch his this state of mind, he went forth on his royal tent, and where he would end his last expedition to the east. Nothing, in fact, could better describe the state of mind of Antiochus, than the language here used by the angel to Daniel.
45. And he shall plant the tabernacles of his palaces. The royal tents; the mi litary tents of himself and his court. Ori ental princes when they went forth, even in war, marched in great state, with a large retinue of the officers of their court, and often with their wives and concu bines, and with all the appliances of luxury. Comp. the account of the inva sion of Greece by Xerxes, or of the camp of Darius, as taken by Alexander the days, would be some mountain where ho would encamp before he reached the con fines of Persia. There have been various conjectures as to the place here denoted by tho phrase 'between the seas,' and much speculation has been employed to deter mine the precise location. Jerome ren ders it, 'And he shall pitch his tent in Aphadno between the seas' — regarding the words which our translators have ren as a proper So the Greek, name denoting a place. e^fluWrp. The Syriac renders it, 'in a plain, between the sea and the mountain.'
Great!" The" military stotionT of^Antio! i Theodoret takes it for a place near Jcruchus, therefore, in this march, would be, salem ' Jerome say lfc was near ISicopo- for the time, the residence of the court, lis, which was formerly called Emmaus, and would be distinguished for as great a whore the mountainous parts of Judea degree of royal luxury as the c!rcum. i began to rise and that,t lay between the stances would allow. At the same time, j ]Dead Sea on the east> a"d th? Medlterrathey would consist of tabernacles or tents, I ntean Aon the. ™? whe™ he supposes as those stations were not designed to be j ^ Antichrist will pitch his tent; Porpermanent. The meaning is, that the i P^ry and Calmet place it between the royal temporary residence In this expedi- 1 two rivers, the Tigris and Euphrates; tion. and previous to the close— the end! the latter supposing it means 'Padan of of the whole matter-that is, the death | two nTers» that is, some place in Mesoof Antiochus, would bo in the mountain i P°taini? J *** Pr- Goodwin supposes that here referred to. f Between the seas.— \ the Bntish Isles are '"tended, "which
That is, between some seas in tho 'east/ or ' north' — for it was by tidings from the so eminently stand 'between the seas.'" Prof. Stuart understands this of the Me- east and north that he would be disturbed, diterranean Sea, and that the idea is that and summoned forth, ver. 44. We are, I the encampment of Antiochus was in some therefore, most naturally to look for this I situation between this sea and Jerusalem, mentioned here as 'the holy and beauti- I such as the following: (a) what is here ful mountain.' So far as the phrase here stated was to occur after the rumour from used — 'between the seas' — is concerned,; the east and the north (ver. 44) should there can be no difficulty. It might be call forth the person here referred to on applied to anyplace lying between two '• this expedition; (b) it would not be long sheets of water, as the country between; before his 'end, — before the close of the the Dead Sea and the Mediterranean; or j series, and would be connected with that; the Dead Sea and Persian gulf; or the j or would be the place where that would Caspian and Euxino seas; or the Caspian occur; (c) it would be on some mounsea and the Persian gulf, for there is tainous region, to which the appellation nothing in the language to determine the | 'glorious holy' might with propriety be exact locality. There is no reason for j applied. The only question of difficulty taking the word aphadno — *J"75$ — as a j is, whether it is necessary to interpret proper name— the literal meaning of it! this of Jerusalem, or whether it may being tent or tabernacle; and the simple j be applied to some other mountainous idea in the passage is, that the transac- region where it may be supposed Antion here referred to— the event which tiochus 'pitched his tents' on his last exwould close this series, and which would pedition to the East, and near the close constitute the ' end' of these affairs, would of nis 'ife- Jerome renders this, Super region sit- I m on tern inclytum et sanctum; the Greek, occur in some mountainous uated between two seas or bodies of wa ter. Any such place, so far as the mean ing of the word is concerned, would cor respond with this prophecy. ^[ In the glorious holy mountain. That is, this would occur (a) in a mountain, or in a mountainous region; and (b) it would be a mountain to which the appellation here used — ' glorious holy' — would be properly given. The most obvious application of this phrase, it cannot be doubted, would be Jerusalem, as being 'the holy moun tain,' or 'the mountain of holiness,' and as the place which the word ' glorious' — "OS — would most naturally suggest. — Comp. vs. 16, 41. Bertholdt and Dereser propose a change in the text here, and understand it as signifying that ' he would pitch his tent between a sea and a moun tain, and would seize upon a temple ftHp) there.' But there is no authority for so changing the text. Rosenmuller, whom Lengcrke follows, renders it, ' between some sea and the glorious holy mountain;' Lengerke supposes that the meaning is, that Antiochus, on his return from Egypt, and before he went to Persia, ' pitched
'on the holy mountain Sabcein'- The Syriac, ' in a plain, between a sea and a mountain, and shall preserve his sanctuary.' The literal meaning of the passage may be thus expressed, 'on a mountain of beauty that is holy or sacred.' The essential things are, (a) that it would be on a mountain, or in a mountainous region; (b) that this mountain would bo celebrated or distinguished for beauty — OX — that is, for the beauty of its situa tion, or the beauty of its scenery, or the beauty of its structures — or that it should be regarded as beautiful; (c) that it would be held as sacred or holy — r?p — that is, as sacred to religion, or regarded as a holy place, or a. place of worship. Now it is true that this language might be ap plied to Mount Sion, for that was a moun tain; it was distinguished for beauty, or was so regarded by those who dwelt there (Comp. Ps. xlviii. 2); and it was holy, as being the place where the worship of God was celebrated. But it is also true, that, so far as the language is concerned, it might be applied to any other mountain or mountainous region that was distin- his tents in that region, somewhere along; guished for beauty, and that was regarded the coasts of the Mediterranean, for the! as sacred or in any way consecrated to purpose of chastising the Jews,' and that; religion. I see no objection, therefore, to this is the reference here. But this, as I the supposition that this may be underwell as the proposed rending of Dereser j stood of some mountain or elevated spot and Bertholdt, is a forced interpretation, j which was held as sacred to religion, or Gesenius (Lex.) supposes that the phrase | where a temple was reared for worship, mean*, 'mount of holy beauty,' i. e. Mount and hence it may have referred to some Sion. There are some things which are mountain, in the vicinity of some temple clear, and which the honest principles of dedicated to idol worship, where Antiointerpretation demand in tiiis passage, j cbus would pitch his tent for the pur pose of rapine and plunder. 1f Yet he I lybius in Excerpta Vnlesii de Yirtntflm shall come to his end. Evidently in et Viliis, xxxi., and Appian, Syriac. xlvi. the expedition referred to, and in the | 80. Now this account agrees substanvicinity referred to. Though he had gone tially with the prediction in the passage full of wrath; and though he was pre- before us in the following respects: — paring to wreak his vengeance on the (a) The circumstances which called him people of God; and though he had every; forth. It was on account of 'tidings' prospect of success in the enterprise, yet j or rumors out of the east and north that he would come to an end there, or would j he went on this last expedition. (/>) The die. This would be the end of his career, i place specified where the last scenes and would be at the same time the end of i would occur, 'between the seas.' Any that series of calamities that the angel pre- \ one has only to look on a map of the dieted. The assurance is more than once Eastern hemisphere, to see that the angiven (vs>. 27, 35,) that there was an 'ap- ciont Persepolis, the capital of Persia, pointed' time during which these troubles \ where the rumour of the success of the would continue, or that there would be Jews reached him which induced him to an 'end' of them at the appointed time, return, is 'between the seas' — the Casand the design was, that when these in- pian sea and the Persian gulf, lying iliotions came upon the Jews they should not far from midway between the two. be permitted to comfort themselves with; (c) The 'glorious holy mountain,' or as the assurance that they would have a ter- j the interpretation above proposed would mination; that is, that the institutions of j render it, ' the mountain of beauty,' sareligion in their land would not be utterly; cred to religion, or to worship. (1) The overthrown, ^f And none shall help him. whole region was mountainous. (2) It is None shall save his life; none shall res-! not unlikely that a temple would be raised cue him out of his danger. That is, he on a mountain or elevated place, for this would certainly die, and his plans of evil was the almost universal custom among would thus be brought to a close. j the ancients, and it may be assumed as
The question now is, whether this can not improbable that the temple of Diana be applied to the closing scenes in the life: atElymais,or Persepolis, which Antiochus of Antiochus Epiphanes. The materials I robbed, and where he 'pitched his tent,' for writing the life of Antiochus are in-! was on such a place. (3) Such a place deed scanty, but there is little doubt as! would be regarded as 'holy,' and would to the place and manner of his death, be spoken of as 'an ornament,' or as According to all the accounts, he received; beautiful, for this was the language which intelligence of the success of the Jewish I the Hebrews were accustomed to apply arms under Judas Maccabeus, and the; to a place of worship. I suppose, thereoverthrow of the Syrians, at Elymais or i fore, that the reference is here to the Persepolis (2 Mac. ix. 2), in Persia, and J closing scene in the life of Antiocbus, as he was detained there by an insurrec- j and that the account in the prophecy tion of the people, occasioned by his rob- ' agrees in a most striking manner with the bing the celebrated temple of Diana (Jos. i fnets of history, and consequently that it Ant. B. xii. ch. ix. § 1,) in which his j is not necessary to look to any other father, Antiochus the 'Great, lost his life, | events for a fulfilment, or to suppose his vexation was almost beyond endu- j that it has any secondary and ultimate ranee. He set out on his return with a! reference to what would occur in far disdetermination to make every possible tant years.
effort to exterminate the Jews; but du-! In view of this exposition, we may seo ring his journey ho was attacked by a ' the force of the opinion maintained by disease, in which he suffered excessive Porphyry, that this portion of the Book pain, and was tormented by the bitterest of Daniel must have been written after anguish of conscience, on account of his the events occurred. He could not but sacrilege and other crimes. He finally See, as any one can now, the surprising died at Tabae in Paratacene, on the fron- accuracy of the statements of the chapter, tiers of Persia and Babylon, in the year and their applicability to the events of 163 B. C., after a reign of eleven years, history as they had actually occurred, See the account of his wretched death in even seeing this, there was but one of two 2 Mac. ix; Jos. Ant. B. xii. ch. ix. § 1., j courses to be taken — either to admit the Prideaux, Con. III. pp. 272, 273; Po-! inspiration of the Book, or to maintain 40* that it was written after the events. He chose the latter alternative; and so far as can be judged from the few fragments which we have of his work in the com mentary of Jerome on this Book, he did it solely on the ground of the accuracy of the description. He referred to no ex ternal evidence; he adduced no historical proofs that the book was written subse quent to the events; but he maintained simply that an account so minute and ex act could not have been written before the events, and that the very accuracy of the alleged predictions, and their entire agreement with the history, was full demonstration that they were written after. The testimony of Porphyry, there fore, may be allowed to be a sufficient proof of the correspondence of this por tion of the Book of Daniel with the facts of history; and if the book was written before the age of Antiochus Epiphanes, the evidence is clear of its inspiration, for no man will seriously maintain that these historic events could be drawn out with so much particularity of detail by any natural skill three hundred and seventy years before they occurred, as must have been the case if written by Daniel. Hu man sagacity does not extend its vision thus far into the future with the power of foretelling the fates of kingdoms, and giving in detail the lives and fortunes of individual men. Either the infidel must dispose of the testimony that Daniel lived and wrote at the time alleged, or, as an honest man, he should admit that he was inspired.
THERE are several general remarks which may be made respecting this, the closing chapter of the book of Daniel.
I. It is a part, or a continuation of the general prophecy or vision which was commenced in ch. x., and which embraces the whole of the eleventh chapter. Except for the length of the pro phecy there should have been no division whatever, and it should be read as a continuous whole; or if a division were desirable, that which was made by Cardinal Hugo in the 13th century, and which occurs in our translation of the Bible, is one of the most unhappy. On every account, and for every reason, the division should have been at the rlose of the fourth verse of this chapter, and the first four verses should have been attached to the previous portion. That the beginning of this chapter is a continuation of the address of the angel to Daniel, is plain from a mere glance. The address ends at ver 4; and then commences a colloquy between two angels who appear in the vision, designed to cast farther light on what had been said. It will contribute to a right uuderstanding of this chapter to remember that it is a part of the one vi sion or prophecy which was commenced in. chapter x., and that the whole three chapters (x. xi. xii.) should be read together. If chapter xi., therefore, refers to the historical events connected with the reign of Antiochus, and the troubles under him, it would seem to be plain that this does also, and that the angel meant to designate the time when these troubles would close, and the indications by which it might be known that they were about to come to an end.