Notes on the Old and New Testaments

19. And said, 0 man greatly beloved, delayed on his journey to Daniel. By the See Notes on ch. ix. 23. ^f Fear not. \ interposition of Michael, the affairs of Neither at my presence, nor at what I j Persia had been so arranged, that the ophave to say. There was nothing in the position to what was desired by Daniel visitation of an angel that could be a j had been in part removed — so far, at ground of dread to a good man; there was j least, as to make it certain that his praynothing in what he had to communicate ers would be answered. See Notes on that could be a reasonable cause of alarm.; that verse. But still it would seem that f Be strong, yea, be strong. These are I the difficulty was not entirely overcome, words of encouragement such as we ad- j and that it would be desirable for him to dress to those who are timid and fearful.! return, and to complete the arrangements We exhort them not to yield; to make a j which had been commenced. There were vigorous effort to meet danger, difficulty, i still causes in existence in Persia which or trial. ^[ Let my Lord speak. That is, ' might tend to frustrate all these plans I am now prepared to receive what you j unless they were counteracted, and his have to communicate. ^[ For thou hast presence might still be necessary there to strengthened me. By your encouraging secure the safe return of the exiles to

20. Then said he unto me, Knowest thou wherefore I come unto thee? This was their own land, and the means required to rebuild the city and temple. The sim ple meaning of this is, that it would be necessary to exert a farther influence at ver. 14. He seems to have called his at- the object desired, and this fact is ex- tention to it, and to have proposed the pressed in language derived from the be- overcome by his fright that it might be j have much to do in controlling the minds

prince a of Persia: and when I am gone forth, lo, the prince of Grecia shall come. 21 But I will show thee that which is noted in the scripture of truth: and there is none that b holdeth with me in these things, but Michael cyour prince.

Persia, and would so direct.affairs there! "'prince of Greece' here, there can be no that the welfare of the Jews would be [ doubt that there is reference to Alexan- promoted, and that protection would be extended to them. Thij, he says, he would continue as long as it was neces sary, for when he should have gone forth, the king of Greece would come, and the affairs of Persia would be put on a new der the Great, who conquered Persia. See ch. xi. 1 — 4. The meaning here is, that when he should come, and conquer Persia, the opposition which the Hebrews had encountered from that country would cease, and there would then be no need of footing, but on such a footing as not to I the interposition of the angel at the Persian require his presence — for the government court- The matter of fact was, that the

Hebrews were favoured by Alexander the would be of itself favourable to the Jews. The sense is, that up to the time when this « king of Grecia' should come, there would be a state of things in the Persian court that would demand the presence of some being from heaven — exerting some constant influence to prevent an outbreak against the Jews, and to secure their peace and prosperity, but that when the f king of Grecia' should come he would himself favour their cause, and render the

Great, and that whatever there was in the Persian or Chaldean power which they had had reason to dread, was then brought to an end, for all those Eastern govern ments were absorbed in the empire oi Alexander — the Macedonian monarchy. 21. But I will show thee that which it noted in the scripture of truth. The word noted here means written, or recorded. The scripture of truth means the true presence of the angel unnecessary. No j writing, and the reference is doubtless to one can prove that this is not a correct the divine purposes or decrees in this representation, or that the favour shown j master — for (a) there is no other writing to the Jews at the Persian court during where these things were then found;(6) the all the time of the rebuilding of the city angel came to make known what could be and the temple, was not to be traced to known in no other way, and therefore some presiding influence from above, or was not yet found in any book to that that was not put forth in connection | which man had access; (c) this language with the ministration of an angelic being, accords with common representations in Indeed, it is in accordance with all the tne Scriptures respecting future events.

teachings of the Bible that the disposi tion of kings and princes to show favour to the people of God, like all else that is good in this world, is to be traced to an influence from above; and it is not con trary to any of the laws of analogy, or any thing with which we are acquainted pertaining to the spiritual world, to sup pose that angelic interposition may be employed in any case in bringing about

They are described as written down in a book that is in the hands of God, in which are recorded all future events — the names of those that shall be saved — and all the deeds of men. Comp. Deut. xxxii. 34; Mai. iii. 16; Ps. cxxxix. 16; Rev. v. 1. The representation is figurative, of course, and the meaning is, that, in the view of the divine mind, all future events are as certain as if they were actually recorded that which is good. ^ Lo, the prince of J as history, or as if they were now all Grecia shall come. Heb., Javan— p> • | written down. The angel came that he There can be no doubt that Greece is in- 1 ^§*«!!S5!? ** P01??0? °f that. volume> tended. The word properly denotes Ionia (derived from this word), ' the name of which province,' says Gesenius, 'as be ing adjacent to the East, and better known, was extended so as to comprehend the and iiscl°sf.^o contents of its secret paGS ' tbat 1S' descnbe an important interest to the

<[ And there is none that holdeth with me in whole of Greece, as u expressly said by I So the Hebrew. The idea is, that there ttreek writers themselves.' L*x. By the | was none that rendered aid in this matter, or that stood by him, and would accomplish Irected by them; as God raises up for the j:t-i:-~:- orphan, and the widow, and the insane, and the sorrowful, and the feeble, those of wealth and power and learning who can better guard their interests than they the designs which he was meditating in their behalf pertaining to Persia. The angel saw that there were powerful in fluences against the interests of the He brew people at work in the court of Persia;; could themselves, and as these relations that it was necessary that they should be j are often sustained, and these favours counteracted; that unless this were done, ' conferred by those who are invisible to fearful calamities would come upon the Jewish people, and they would be sub jected to great embarrassments in their effort to rebuild their city and temple, and he says that there was no one whose aid could be permanently and certainly relied on but that of Michael. He himself was to return to the court of Persia to en deavour to counteract the influence of the ' prince of Persia,' but, as in the former case when on his way to Daniel (ver 13,) he would not have been able to counter act the machinations of that prince if it had not been for the interposition of Mi chael, so he felt now that reliance was still to be placed on his assistance in the mat ter. ^[ But Michael your prince. See Notes on ver. 13. The patron, or guar dian of your people, and of their inter- the recipients, so it gives, in a higher sense, a new beauty to the arrangements of the universe to suppose that this be nevolent office is often undertaken and discharged by angelic beings. Thus they may defend us from danger; ward off the designs of our enemies; de feat their machinations, and save us from numberless evils that would otherwise come upon us. This view receives addi tional confirmation if it be admitted that there are evil angels, and that they seek the ruin of mankind. They are malig nant; they tempt the race of man; they have power far superior to our own; they can set in operation a train of evil influences which we can neither foresee nor counteract; and they can excite the minds of wicked men to do us injury in a ests. The idea intended to be conveyed j way which we cannot anticipate, and here undoubtedly is, that Michael was a against which we cannot defend ourselves.

that he had special charge of their affairs; ceive that there is concinnity and prothat his interposition might be depended! prietyin the supposition that there are on m the time of trouble and danger, and d b j of ft hi her order who f j an so; and as on earth some of the most im- come to us> on their Benevolent errand, to portant favours that we enjoy are con- defend us from danSer> and to aid us in ferred by the instrumentality of others; j our efforts to escape from the perils of our as we are often defended when in danger | fallen condition, and to reach the kingby them; as we are counselled and di-j dom of heaven.

THIS chapter contains a portion of those things which the angel said were written in ' the Scripture of truth,' and which he came to disclose to Daniel. The revelation also embraces the twelfth chapter, and the two comprise the last recorded communication that was made to Daniel. The revelation which is made in these chapters not only embraces a large portion of history of interest to the Jewish people of ancient times, and designed to give instruction as to the important events that would pertain to their nation, but nlso, in its progress, alludes to im portant periods in the future as marking decisive eras in the world's history, and contains hints as to what would occur down to the end of all things. The chapter before us embraces the following definitely marked periods: I. The succession of kings in Persia to the time of a mighty king who should arouse all the •trength of his kingdom to make war on Greece— referring doubtless to Xerxes, Y». 1, 2. Of those kings in Persia there would be three — three so prominent as to deserve notice in the rapid glance at future events — Cambyses, Smerdis, and Darius Hystaspes.

II. After this succession of kings, one would stand up or appear who would be characterized as ruling 'with great dominion,' and 'according to his will,' ver. 3. The dominion evidently would pass into his hand, and he would be distinguished from all that wont before him. There can be no doubt, from the connection, and from what is said in ver. 4, that the reference here is to Alexander the Great.

III. The state of the empire after the death of this mighty king, ver. 4. His kingdom would be broken, and would be divided into four parts — referring doubtless to the division of the em pire of Alexander after his death.

IV. The history then proceeds to notice the events that would pertain to two of these portions of the empire — the conflicts between the king of the South, and the king of the North— or be tween Egypt and Syria, vs. 5 — 19. This portion of the history embraces, in detail, an account of the policy, the negotiations, and the wars of Antiochus the Great, till the time of his death. These kingdoms are particularly referred to, probably because their conflicts would effect the holy land, and pertained ultimately to the history of religion, and its establishment and triumph in the world. In the notice of these two sovereignties, there is considerable detail — so much so that the principal events could have been readily anticipated by those who were in possession of the writings of Daniel. The destiny of the other two portions of the empire of Alexander did not particularly affect the history of religion, or pertain to the holy land, and, therefore, they are not introduced. In a particular manner, the history of Antiochus the Great is traced with great minuteness in this portion of the prophecy, because his doings had a special bearing on the Jewish nation, and were connected with the progress of religion. The commentary on this portion of the chapter will show that the leading events are traced as accurately as would be a summary of the history made out after the transactions had occurred.

V. A brief reference of the successor of Antiochus the Great, Seleucus IV. ver. 20. As he occupied the throne, however, but for a short period, and as his doings did not particularly effect the condition of the Hebrew people, or the interests of religion, and his reign was, in every respect, unimportant, it is passed over with only a slight notice.

VI. The life and acts of Antiochus Epiphanes, vs. 21—45. There can be no doubt that this portion of the chapter refers to Antiochus, and it contains a full detail of his character and of his doings. The account here, though without naming him, is just such as would have been given by one who should have written after the events had occurred, and there is no more diffi culty in applying the description in this chapter to him now than there would have been in such an historical narrative. The revelation is made, evidently, to prepare the Jewish people for these fearful events, and these heavy trials, in their history; and also to assure them that more glorious results would follow, and that deliverance would succeed these calamities. In the troubles which Antiochus would bring upon the Hebrew people, it was important that they should have before them a record containing the great outlines of what would occur, and the assurance of ultimate triumph— just as it is important for us now in the trials which we have reason to anticipate in this life, to have before us in the Bible the permanent record that we shall yet find deliverance. In the twelfth chapter, therefore, the angel directs the mind on ward to brighter times, and assures Daniel that there would be a day of rejoicing.

1 Also I in the first ayear of Da-|rius the Mede, even I, stood to conac. 9. 1. firm and to strengthen him.

1. Also L I the angel. He alludes here to what he had done on a former oc casion to promote the interests of the Hebrew people, and to secure those ar rangements which were necessary for their welfare — particularly in the favour able disposition of Darius the Mede to wards them. ^[ In the first year of Darins the Mede. See Notes on ch. v. 35. He does not hero state the things contem plated or done by Darius in which he had confirmed or strengthened him, but there can be no reasonable doubt that it was the purpose which be had conceived to re store the Jews to their own land, and to give them permission to rebuild their city and temple. Comp. ch. ix. 1. It was in that year that Daniel offered his solemn prayer, as recorded in ch. ix.; in that year that, according to the time predicted by Jeremiah (see Dan. ix. 2), the cap tivity would terminate; and in that year that an influence from above led the mind of the Persian king to contemplate the restoration of the captive people. Cyrus was, indeed, the one through whom the edict for their return was promulgated, but as he reigned under his uncle Cyaxares or Darius, and as Cyaxares was the source of authority, it is evident that hit mind must have been influenced to grant this favour, and it is to this that the an gel here refers, ^f / stood to confirm and strengthen him. Comp. Notes on ch. x. 13. It would seem that the mind of Da rius was not wholly decided; that there were adverse influences bearing on it; that there were probably counsellors of hit

2 And now will I show » thee the \ yet three kings in Persia; and the truth. Behold, there shall stand up *Am.3.

realm who advised against the proposed measures, and the angel here says that lie stood by him, and confirmed him in his next in order, and by the fourth is un doubtedly meant Xerxes. There were several kings of Persia after Xerxes, as purpose, and secured the execution of his Artaxerxes Longimanus, Darius Nothus, benevolent plan. Who can prove that an | Artaxerxes Mneinon, Ochus, and Darius angel may not exert an influence on the heart of kings? And what class of men is there who, when they intend to do good and right, are more likely to have their purposes changed by evil counsellors than kings j and who is there that more needs a heavenly influence to confirm their de sign to do right?

Codomanus, but these are not enume rated because the real ground of the in vasion of Alexander, the thing which connected him with the affairs of Persia, did not occur in their reign, but it was the invasion of Greece by Xerxes, ^f And the fourth shall be far richer than they all. That is Xerxes — for he was the fourth in order, and the description here agrees

That is, the truth about events that are entirely with him. He would of course to occur in the future, and which will ac cord with what is written in ' the Scrip tures of truth,' ch. x. 21. f Behold, there shall stand up yet three Icings in Persia. The phrase stand tip means that there would be so many kings in Persia; that is, there would be three before the fourth which he mentions. The same Hebrew word here rendered stand tip — "tyj? — oc curs in vs. 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 14, 15, 16, (twice), 17, 20, 21, 25, 31 j also ch. xii. 1. 13. In verse 8 it is rendered continue; in verse 15, withstand; in the other cases stand up, or simply stand. Gesenius says it is a word used particularly of a new prince, as in Dan. viii. 23, xi. 2, 3, 20. He does not say that there would be none after wards, but he evidently designs to touch on the great and leading events respect ing the Persian empire, so far as they inherit the wealth accumulated by these kings, and it is here implied that he would increase that wealth, or that, in some way, he would possess more than they all combined. The wealth of this king is here mentioned probably because the magnificence and glory of an Oriental monarch was estimated in a considerable degree by his possessions, and because his riches enabled him to accomplish his expedition into Greece. Some idea of the treasures of Xerxes may be obtained by considering (a) that Cyrus had col lected a vast amount of wealth by the conquest of Lydia, and the subjugation of Croesus its rich king, by the conquest of Asia Minor, of Armenia and of Babylon — for it is said respecting him, "I will give thee the treasures of darkness, and hidden riches of secret places" (Isa. xlv.

would effect the Hebrew people, and so i 3- Sec Notes on that P^sage). (b) That far as they would constitute prominent Cambyses increased that wealth which he points in the history of the world. He does not, therefore, go into all the details respecting the history, nor does he men-, tion all the kings that would reign. The conquests may illustrate the amount of be the reign of those three kings; then return from Thebes, in Egypt, he caused all the temples in that city to be pillaged mad expedition to Greece would lay the | and *>ur nt to the ground. But he saved sia by Alexander, and the overthrow of the Persian empire; then the life and conquests of Alexander, and then the wars consequent on the division of his empire, at his death. The 'three kings' here referred to, were Cambyses, Smerdis, and Darius Hystaspes. As this com munication was made in the third year of Cyrus (cb. x. 1,) these would be the three hundred talents, and silver to the amount of two thousand and five hundred j talents. He is also said to have carried I away the famous circle of gold that en- | compassed the tomb of king Ozymandias, being three hundred and sixty-five cubits in circumference, on which were repre sented all the motions of the several con stellations. Universal History, iv. 140.

fourth shall be far richer than they j riches he shall stir up all against the all: and by his strength through his realm of Grecia.

3 And a mighty king shall stand

(c) This was further increased by the con quests of Diirius Hystaspes, and by his heavy taxes on the people. So burden some were these taxes, that he was called by the Persians, 6 KaTri]\o^ — the 'mer chant,' or, ' hoarder.' One of the first acts of Darius was to divide bis kingdom into provinces for the purpose of raising trib ute. "During the reign of Cyrus, and indeed of Cambyses, there were no spe cific tributes; but presents were made to the sovereign. On account of these and similar innovations, the Persians call Da rius a merchant, Cambyses a despot, but Cyrus a parent." Herodotus, B. III. Ixxxix. A full account of the taxation of the kingdom and the amount of the revenue under Darius, may be seen in Herodotus, B. III. xc — xcvi. The sura of the tribute under Darius, according to Herodotus, was fourteen thousand five hundred and sixty talent?. Besides this sum received from regular taxation, He rodotus enumerates a great amount of gold and silver and other valuable things which Darius was accustomed to receive annually from the Ethiopians, from the people of Colchos, from the Arabians, and from India. All this vast wealth was inherited by Xerxes, the son and succes sor of Darius, and the 'fourth king' here referred to. Xerxes was full four years in making provision for his celebrated expedition into Greece. Of the amount of his forces, and his preparation, a full account may be seen in Herodotus, B. VII. Of his leealth Justin makes this remark: Si regem specie*, divitias, non ducem laudes: quorum tanta copia in regno ejits fuit, tit cum flumina multitudine consumerenfnr, opes tamen regies superessent. Hist, ii. 10. Comp. Diod. Sic. x. c. 3; Pliny His. Nat. xxiii. 10; JE1. xiii. 3; Herod, iii. 96, vii. 27 — 29. In the city of Celcenae, Herodotus says, there lived a man named Pythius, son of Atys, a native of Lydia, who entertained Xerxes and all his army with great magnificence, and who farther engaged to supply the king with money for the war. Xerxes on this was induced to inquire of his Persian attendants who this Pythius was, and what were the re sources which enabled him to make these offers. " It is the same," they replied, " who presented your father Darius with 3f a plane tree and a vino of gold, and who, next to yourself, is the i-ichest of man kind." Herod, vii. 27. f And by his strength through his richea Tie shall stir tip all against the realm of Grecia. That is, all his kingdom. He was enabled to do this by his great wealth: — collecting and equipping, probably, the largest army that was ever assembled. The expedition of! Xerxes against Greece, is too well known to need to be detailed here, and no one; can fail to see the applicability of this dc- 1 scription to that invasion. Four years; was spent in preparing for this expedition, I and the forces that constituted the army were gathered out of all parts of the vast i empire of Xerxes, embracing, as was then; supposed, all the habitable world except Greece. According to Justin, the army was composed of seven hundred thousand of his own, and three hundred thousand! auxiliaries. Diodorus Siculus makes it to | be about three hundred thousand men; \ Prideaux, from Herodotus and others, computes it to have amounted, putting \ all his forces by sea. and land together, to I two millions six hundred and forty-one! thousand six hundred and ten men; and [ he adds that the servants, eunuchs, sutj tiers, and such persons that followed the ', camp, made as many more, so that the whole number that followed Xerxes could ' not have been less than five millions. Connexion, P. 1. B. iv. vol. i. p. 410. Grotius reckons his forces at five millions two hundred and eighty-two thousand. These immense numbers justify the ex pression here, and show with what pro priety it is applied to the hosts of Xerxes. On the supposition that this was written | after the event, and that it was history, j instead of prophecy, this would be the i very language which would be employed. 3. And a mighty king shall stand up. So far ns the language here, is concerned, it is not said whether this would be in Persia, as a successor of the 'fourth king' (ver. 2), or whether it would be at some other part of the world. The next verse, however, shows that the reference is to Alexander the Great — for to no other one is it applicable. There were several monarchs of Persia, indeed, that suc ceeded Xerxes, before the kingdom was invaded and subdued by Alexander (s««

up, that shall rule with great do- 1 his kingdom » shall be broken, and minion, and do according to his j shall be divided toward the four winds of heaven; and not to his

4 And when he shall stand up,

Notes on ver. 2), and these are here j by adding that to their empire, to have entirely passed over withoutbeing alluded I the earth under their control. When, to. It must be admitted that one who ' therefore, Alexander had conquered Pershould have read this prophecy before! eia, it was supposed that he had subdued the events had occurred, would have in- • the world, nor was it an unnatural feeling ferred naturally that this 'mighty king! that, having done this, he, whose sole that should stand up/ would appear im- 1 principle of action was ambition, should mediately after the 'fourth,' and proba- j sit down and weep because there were no bly that he would be his successor in the more worlds to conquer. In fact, realm, but it may be remarked (a) that the language here is not inconsistent with the facts in the case — it being literally true that such a 'mighty king' did 'stand up' who 'ruled with great do minion, and according to his will;' (b) that there was no necessity in the prophetic then swayed a sceptre more extended and mighty than any before him had done, and it is with peculiar propriety that the language here is used in regard to him. ^ And do according to his will. Would be an arbitrary prince. This also true of the Persian kings, and of history of referring to the acts of these Oriental despots generally; but it intermediate kings of Persia, since they! eminently so of Alexander — who, in subdid not contribute at all to the result — it i duing kingdoms, conquering mighty arbeing well known that the reason alleged mies, controlling the millions under his by Alexander for his invasion of the Per- j sway, laying the foundations of cities, sian empire, was not anything which they had done, but the wrongs sustained by Greece in consequence of the invasion by Xerxes and his predecessor. The real succession of events in the case was that last invasion of Greece by Xerxes, and the consequent invasion of the Per sian empire by Alexander. It was these transactions which the angel evidently meant to connect together, and hence all that was intermediate was omitted. Thus Alexander, in his letter to Darius, says,

" Your ancestors entered into Macedonia, and the other parts of Greece, and did us damage, when they had received no af front from us as the cause of it; and now I, created general of the Grecians, pro voked by you, and desirous of avenging the injury done by the Persians, have passed over into Asia." Arrian, Expe.

Alex. i. 2. f That shall rule with great dominion. That shall have a wide and extended empire. The language here •would apply to any of the monarchs of Persia that succeeded Xerxes, but it would be more strictly applicable to Al exander the Great than to any prince of ancient or modern times. The whole world, except Greece, was supposed to be subject to the power of Persia, and it was one of the leading and avowed purposes cf Darius and Xerxos in invading Greece, and newly arranging the boundaries of empires, seemed to consult only his own will, and felt that everything was to be subordinate to it. It is said that this passage was shown to Alexander by tlie high priest of the Jews, and that th^se prophecies did much to conciliate his favour towards the Hebrew people.

4. And when lie shall stand tip. In the might and power of his kingdom. When his power shall be fully established. I understand this, with Rosenmu'ller and Hiivernick, as meaning, when he shall be at the height of his authority and power, then his kingdom would be broken up. The reference is, undoubtedly, to the sudden death of Alexander, and the sense is, that his empire would not gradually diminish and decay, but that some event would occur the effect of which would be to rend it into four parts. ^[ His king dom shall be broken. To wit, by his death. The language is such as is pro perly applicable to this, and indeed im plies this, for it is said that it would not ' be to his posterity' — an event which might be naturally expected to occur; or, in other words, the allusion to his pos terity is such language as would be em ployed on the supposition that the refer ence here is to his death, ^f And shall be divided toward the four winds of Aea-

posterity, nor according to his do minion which he ruled: for his kingdom shall be plucked up, even for others beside those.

ven. Into four parts. For the remark able fulfilment of this prediction, see the Notes on ch. viii. 8. ^f And not to his posterity. See also the Notes on ch. viii. 8. *[[ Nor according to hits dominion which he ruled. This was literally true of the division of the empire. No one of his successors ever obtained as wide a dominion as he did himself, ^f For his kingdom shall be plucked i<j9. By his death. This does not naturally mean that it would be by conquest, for it is said that it would be ' divided towards the four winds of heaven' — language which is not properly expressive of conquest. that is implied is met by the supposition that at his decease, the kingdom, which had been founded by him, and which had been sustained by his valor and political

5 fl And the king of the sonth shall be strong, and one of his prin ces; and he shall be strong above him, and have dominion; his do minion shall be a great dominion.

dictions, to two parts of it — the kingdom of the south, and the kingdom of the north; or the kingdoms to the north and the south of Palestine — that of Syria and that of Egypt; or that of the Seleucida), and that of the Ptolemies. The reason why he does this is not stated, but it is doubtless because the events pertaining to these kingdoms would particularly af fect the Jewish people, and be properly connected with sacred history. Comp. Notes on ch. viii. 7, 8. The 'king of the south' hero is, undoubtedly, the king of Egypt. This part of the empire was ob tained by Ptolemy, and was in the hands of his successors, until Egypt was sub dued by the Romans. Between the king doms of Egypt and Syria, long and bloody wars prevailed, and the prospective his- wisdom, would fall to pieces. *{, Even for tory of these wars it is the design of the others beside those. That is, to others be- 1 angel here to trace. As the remainder side those to whom it should be at first j Of the chapter refers to these two dynasdivided. Literally, exclusively, or to the j ties, to the death of the great persecutor, exclusion of— "laV.p- The word those re- Antiochus Epiphanes, and as the events fers to his posterity, and the meaning is, that the process of division would not referred to were very important in histor}r, and as introductory to what was to stop with them, or that the four portions! follow in the world, it may be useful here, of the empire, as thus divided, would not I in order to a clear exposition of the whole remain in their hands, or pass to their I chapter, to present a list of these two posterity. There would be other changes, j lines of princes. It is necessary only to and other divisions; and it was not to be j premise that the death of Alexander the expected that just four, and no more, em- Great occurred B. C. 323; of that of his pires would grow out of the one which | brother, Philip Aridaeus, B. C. 316; of had been founded, or that when that one | taat of nis son> Alexander ^Egus, by should be divided into four parts, that, Roxana, B. C. 30£; andttiat^a shorUJmo partition would always continue. There would be other divisions, and other princes besides those who first obtained the em pire would come in, and the process of division would ultimately be carried much farther. It is unnecessary to say that this occurred in the empire founded by Alexander. It was, soon after his death, separated into four parts, but at no dis tant period this arrangement was broken up, and all traces of the empire, as estab lished by him, or as divided among his four successors, wholly disappeared.

5. And the king of the south. The an gel here leaves the general history of the smpire, and confines himself, in his pre- afterthis (about B. C. 306), the chief Ma cedonian governors and princes assumed the royal title. The following list of the succession of the Seleucidas and the Pto lemies — or the kings of the North and the South — of Syria and Egypt, is copied from Elliott on the Apocalypse, iv. 123:

323 Ptolemy Soter, son 323 Seleucus Nieator, of Ptolemy Lagus, governor of Babygovernor of Egypt. Ion.

C And in the end of years they shall ajoin themselves together; for the king's daughter of the south shall come to the king of the north to make an t agreement: but she

phus. (It was un der him ihat the Septuagint Greek translation of the Old Testament was made. 246 Ptolemy Euer- 261 Antiochus Theus.

164 Antiochus Eupator, of whom the Ro mans assumo the guardianship.

"After this, fourteen more Syrian kings reigned, in reigns of short and uncertain power, till Syria was occupied and formed into a Roman province under Pompey, at j £0" end of VairsTThaT TsT afte? which time the A^rn of the beleucida; pro perly ends; and six more Egyptian prin ces, to the death of Ptolemy Auletes, who dying B. C. 51, left his kingdom and chil dren to Roman guardianship — one of these children being the Cleopatra so fa mous in the histories of Caesar and An thony." Elliott, ut snpra. f Shall be

strong. This is in accordance with the well known fact. One of the most pow erful of those monarchies, if not the most powerful, was Egypt. ^ And one of his princes; and he shall be strong above him. The meaning of this passage I?, that there would be 'one of his princes,' that is, of the princes of Alexander, who would be more mighty than the one who obtained Egypt, or the South, and that he would have a more extended dominion. The ref erence is, doubtless, to Seleucus Nicator, or the conqueror. In the division of thc empire he obtained Syria, Babylonia, Me dia, Susinna, Armenia, a part of Cappa- j

[the princes of Alexander] also there shall be [one] who shall be mightier than he, and he shall reign, and his dominion shall be a great dominion.' It was of these two dominions that the angel spake, and hence follows, through the remain der of the chapter, the history pertaining to them and their successors. Seleucus Nicator reigned from B. C. 312 to B. C. 280 — or thirty-two years. In his time lived Berosus and Megasthenes, referred to in the Introduction to ch. iv.

6. And in the end nf years. In the fu ture periods of the history of these two kingdoms. The event here referred to did not occur during the lives of these two kings — Seleucus Nicator and Ptolemy Soter, but in the reign of their successors, Ptolemy Philadelphus and Antiochus Theos or Theus. The phrase 'the end of years' would well denote such a future period. The Vulgate renders it, 'after years have elapsed. The meaning is, ' after a certain course or lapse of years.' The word end in Daniel — pf? — often seems to refer to a time when a predicted event would be fulfilled, whether near or remote; whether it would be really the end or termination of an empire or of the world, or whether it would be succeeded by other events. It would be the end of that matter — of the thing predicted; and in this sense the word seems to be employed here. Comp. ch. viii. 17, ver. 13, of this chapter (margin), and ch. xii. 13. ^[ They shall join themselves together. Marg., associate. The meaning is, that there would be an alliance formed, or an attempt made to unite the two kingdoms more closely by a marriage between dif ferent persons of the royal families. The word they refers to the two sovereigns of Egypt and Syria — the South and the f For the king's daughter of the e north and Lengerke, in loc. The proper trans lation of this passage probably would be, And the king of the South shall be mighty. But from among his princes but here it seems to be used in the sense of peace, or an alliance. The act of mak ing peace was regarded as an act of jus tice, or doing right, and hence the word shall not retain the power of the arm; neither shall he stand, nor his arm: but she shall be given up, and came to be used in the sense of making an alliance or compact. This idea we should now express by saying that the design was 'to make things right or straight' — as if they were wrong and crooked before, giving occasion to dis cord, and misunderstanding, and wars. The intention now was to establish peace on a permanent basis. The compact here referred to was one formed between Bere nice, the daughter of Ptolemy Philndelphus, king of Egypt, and Antiochus Theos, king of Syria. Ptolemy, in order to bring a war in which ho was engaged to an end, and to restore peace, gave his daughter in marriage to Antiochus, in hopes of establishing a permanent peace and alliance between the two kingdoms. One of the conditions of this alliance was, that Antiochus should divorce his former wife, Laodicea, and that the chil dren of that former wife should be ex cluded from the succession to the throne. In this way Ptolemy hoped that the kingdom of Syria might become ulti mately attached to that of Egypt, if there should be children by the marriage of Berenice with Antiochus. Ptolemy, how ever, died two years after this marriage was consummated, and Antiochus re stored again his former wife Laodicea, and put away Berenice, but was himself murdered by Laodicea, who feared the fickleness of her husband. The officers of the court of Syria then planned the death of Berenice and her children, but she fled with them to Daphne, and was there put to death, with her children. Appian, c. Ixv. Lengerke, in loc. She was put to death by poison. See Gill, in loc. 1 But she shall not retain the power of the arm. The word retain here is the same as in ch. x. 8, " I retained no strength." The word arm, is a word of frequent use in the Old Testament, both in the singular and plural, to denote strength, power, whether of an individual or an army. So Job xxii. 8, ' A man of arm,' that is, strength; Gen. xlix. 34, "The arms [power] of his hands were made strong by the God of Jacob." Comp. Isa. li. 9, and Ixii. 8. It is fre quently used in this chapter in the sense 37*

they that brought her, and a he that begat her, and he that strengthened her in these times.

of strength, or power. See vs. 15, 22, 31. | This alliance was formed with the hope that the succession might be in her. She | was, however, as stated above, with her | children, put to death. While queen of j Syria, she, of course, had power, and had | the prospect of succeeding to the supreme authority. ^[ Neither shall he stand. The king of the south; to wit, Egypt. That is, he would not prosper in his am bitious purpose of bringing Syria, by this marriage alliance, under his control. ^[ Nor his arm. What he regarded as his strength, and in which he placed reli ance, as one does on his arm in accom plishing any design. The wordorn* here is used in the sense of help, or alliance; that is, that on which he depended for the stability of his empire, \ But she shall be given up. That is, she shall be given up to death, to wit, by the command of Laodicea. ^[ And thei/ that bronyht her. That is, those who conducted her to Daphne; or those who came with her j into Syria, and who were her attendants I and friends. Of course they would be surrendered or delivered up when she was put to death. ^ And he that begat her. Marg., 'or, ichom she brought forth.' The margin expresses the sense more correctly. The Latin Vulgate is, adolescentes ejus. The Greek, f) navi^. So tho Syriac. The Hebrew — rr\y->n) — will ad mit of this construction. The article in the word has the force of a relative, and is connected with the suffix, giving it a relative signification. See E \vald, as quoted by Lengerke, in loc. According to the present pointing, indeed, the literal meaning would be, ' and he who begat her;' but this pointing is not authorita tive. Dathe, Bertholdt, Dereser, De Wette, and Rosenmuller suppose that the reading should be rn^ny Then the sense would be 'her child/ or 'her off spring.' Lengerke and Ewald, however, supposes that this idea is implied in the present reading of the text, and that m change is necessary. The obvious mean ing is, that she and her child, or her off spring would be thus surrendered. Tho matter of fact was, that her little son was

7 But out of a branch of her roots j deal against them, and shall pre* shall one stand up in his a estate, I vail:

which shall come with an army, and shall enter into the fortress of the king of the north, and shall

slain with her. See Prideaux, Connex. III. 120. \ And Tie that strengthened her in these times. It is not known who is here referred to. Doubtless, on such an occasion, she would have some one who would be a confidential counsellor or ad viser, and, whoever that was, he would be likely to be cut off with her.

7. But out of a branch of her roots. Comp. Notes on Isa. xi. 1. The mean ing is, that as a branch or shoot springs up from a tree that is decayed and fallen, so there would spring up some one of her family, who would come to avenge her. That is, a person is indicated who would be of a common stock with her; or, in other words, if taken strictly, a brother. The phrase 'branch of her roots,' is somewhat peculiar. The words 'her roots' must refer to her family; that from which she sprung. We speak thus of the root or stem of a family or house: and the meaning here is not that one of her descendants, or one that should spring from her would thus come, but a branch of the same family; a branch springing from the same root or stem. The fact in the case — a fact to which there is un doubted reference here — is, that her re venge was undertaken by Ptolemy Euergetes, her brother. As soon as he heard of the calamities that had come upon her, ho hastened with a great force out of Egypt to defend and rescue her. But it was in vain. She and her son were cut off before he could arrive for her help, but, in connection with an army which had come from Asia Minor for the same purpose, he undertook to avenge her death. He made himself master not only of Syria and Cilicia, but passed over the Euphrates, and brought all under subjection to him as far as the river Ti gris. Having done this, he marched back to Egypt, taking with him vast treasures. See Prideaux, Con. III. 120, 121. ^ Shall one stand up. Shall one arise. Notes, ver. 2. That is, there shall be one who shall appear for that purpose. ^ In Ms estate. Marg., place,

And shall also carry captives into Egypt their gods, with their princes, and with b their precious

or office. The word — }3 — means, prop erly, stand, station, place; then base, pedestal. Comp. vs. 20, 21, 38. See also Gen. xl. 13: "In those days Pharaoh shall restore thee again to thy place." And again, Gen. xli. 13, "to my office." Here it means, in his place or stead. That is, he would take the place which his father would naturally occupy — the place of protector, or defender, or avenger. Ptolemy Philadelphus her father, in fact, died before she was put to death, and his death was the cause of the calamities that came upon her, for as long as he lived his power would be dreaded. But when he was dead, Ptolemy Euergetes stood up in his place as her defender and avenger. ^[ Which shall come with an army. As Ptolemy Euergetes did. See above. He came out of Eg}7pt, as soon as he heard of these calamities, to defend her. f And shall enter into the fortress of the king of the north. Her strongholds. In fact, he overran Syria and Cilicia, and extended his ravages to the Euphrates and the Ti- ' gris. Polybius (Hist. 1. 5), says that he j entered into the fortified cities of Syria, I and took them. In the passage before! us, the singular—; fortress — is put for the plural, ^f And shall deal against them. Shall act 'against them. Literally, 'shall do against them.' ^[ And shall prevail. Shall overcome, or subdue them. As seen above, he took possession of no small part of the kingdom of Syria. He was recalled home by a sedition in Egypt, and had it not been for this, Justin says, ho would have made himself master of the whole kingdom of Seleucus.

8. And shall also carry captive into Egypt their gods, &c. That is, their idols. Je rome (in loc.) says that Ptolemy took with him on his return, forty thousand talents of silver, avast number of precious vessels of gold, and images to the num ber of two thousand four hundred, among which were many of the Egyptian idols, which Cambyses, on his conquering Egypt, had carried into Persia. These Ptolemy restored to the temple to which

vessels of silver and of gold; and he shall continue more years than the king of the north.

9 So the king of the south shall

10 But his sons shall »be stirred up, and shall assemble a multitude of great forces: and one shall cer tainly come, and b overflow, and pass

come into his- kingdom, and shall re- j through: then shall he c return, and turn into his own land. j be stirred up, even to his d fortress.

they belonged, and by this much endeared himself to his people. It was on account | of the service which he thus rendered to ' his country, that he was called Euergetes,; that is, the Benefactor. Prideaux III.

121. In 1631 an inscription on an an cient marble in honor of this action of Euergetes, was published by Allatius: Sacris qnce ab Egypto Persce abstulerunt receptis, etc cam reliqua congestii zara in Egyptum relatis. Wintle. ^ And he shall continue more years than the king of the north. Ptolemy Euergetes survived Seleucus about four years. Prideaux III.

9. So the king of the south shall come into his kingdom. That is, into the king dom of the north, or the kingdom of Syria. This verse seems to be a summary of what had been said about his invading Syria. He would come on account of the wrongs done to his sister into the king dom of the north, and would then return again to his own land.

10. But his sons shall be stirred up. Marg., 'or war.' The Hebrew word — nan? — from rn J, means to be rough; then in Piel, to excite, stir up; and then, in Hithpa, to excite oneself, to be stirred up to anger, to make war upon, <fcc. Here it means, according to Gesenius (Lex.), that they would be excited, or angry. The reference here, according to Lengerke, Maurer, Gill, and others is to the son of the king of the north, Seleu cus Callinichus. He was killed, according! to Justin (Lib. xxvii. C. 3), by a fall from | his horse. The war with Egypt was con- j tinned by his two sons, Seleucus Cerau- ] nus and Antiochus the Great, until the ] death of the former, when it was prose cuted by Antiochus alone. See Prideaux III. 136. Seleucus Ceraunus succeeded his father — assuming the name of Cerau nus, or the Thunderer, but, dying soon, he left the crown to his brother, Antiochus the Great, then only fifteen years of age, by whom the war with Egypt was suc cessfully prosecuted, f And shall assem ble a multitude of great forces. Against Egypt. In such a war they would natu rally summon to their aid all the forces which they could command. ^ And one shall certainly come. There is a change here in the Hebrew from the plural to the singular number, as is indicated in our translation by the insertion of the word one. The fact was that the war was pros ecuted by Antiochus the Great alone. Seleucus died in the third year of his reign in Phrygia, being slain, according to one report (Jerome), through the treach ery of Nicator and Apaturius, or, accord ing to another, was poisoned. See Pri deaux, III. 137. Antiochus succeeded to the empire and prosecuted the war. This was done for the purpose of recovering Syria from the dominion of Ptolemy of Egypt, and was conducted with various degrees of success until the whole was brought under the control of Antiochus. See Prideaux, Con. III. 138. seq. ^f And overflow. Like a torrent. ^ And pass th rough. Through the land — not the land of Egypt, but every part of Syria. ^[ Thenshall he return. Marg., be stirred up again. The margin is the more correct rendering — the Hebrew word being the same as that which is used in the first part of the verse. The idea would seem to be that he would be aroused or stirred up after a defeat, and would on the second expedition enter into the strongholds or fortresses of the land. This was literally true. Ptolemy marched into Syria with an army of seventy thousand foot, five thousand horse, and seventy-three ele phants, and was met by Antiochus with an army of sixty-two thousand foot, six thousand horse, and one hundred and two elephants. In a great battle, Antiochus was defeated, and returned to Antioch (Prideaux, Con. III. 151— 153), but tho following year he again rallied his forces, and invaded Syria, took Gaza and the other strongholds, and subdued the whole country of Syria, including Pales tine, to himself. Prideaux, Con. III. 176, 177. ^ Even to his fortress. The eingu-

11 And the king of the south shall | 12 And when he hath taken away be moved with choler, and shall ] the multitude, his heart shall be come forth and fight with him, even, lifted up; and he shall cast down

•with the king of the north: and he shall set forth a great multitude; but athe multitude shall be given into his hand.

lar for the plural; perhaps using the word ' fortress' by way of eminence, as de noting his strongest fortress, and therefore including all the others.

11. And the king of the south shall le moved with choler. With anger. That is, that his provinces were invaded, and his strongholds taken — referring' particularly

many ten thousands: but he shall not be strengthened by it.

of Antiochus, we are told that the cilies of Coelesyria and Palestine vied with each other in submitting themselves to Ptol emy. They had been long under the gov ernment of Egypt, and preferred that to the government of Antioch. They had submitted to Antiochus only by force, and that force now being removed, they re- attempt to wrest them out of the hands?»««r »»« cnpacity for government, it of the king of Egypt, Nothing would be ' would have bee" ' more natural than that this should occur. ^[ And shall come forth and fight with him, even with the king of the north. There; T were frequent and almost constant wars! LenSe^e however renders this, ' And the between these two kingdoms. Yet the I mu!tltude shall lift themselves up,' supreference here is to Ptolemy Philopater, \ P08ing lfc f.° re^r 'P. the fact that the peowho succeeded Ptolemy Euergetes in j PIefaf, wel1 as the kl"S would be «cited. Egypt, and who was exasperated at the | f,ut. l.he more natui'al mterpretat.on is conduct of Antiochus in invading Syria thafc ln our common version, and the and Palestine. He assembled an army, and marched with it to Raphia, where he met Antiochus, and a battle was fought.

And he shall set forth a great multitude.

same sense of the word (N.iri) occurs in Amos iv. 2. The reference is to the effect which would be produced on him after his defeat of Antiochus. ^ His heart

This army of Ptolemy, according to Po- shall be lifted up. That is, he will bo libius, ch. 86, was led through Arabia | proud and self-confident. He was a man Petrzea, and consisted of seventy thou- naturally indolent and effeminate — a most sand infantry, and five thousand cavalry, and seventy-three elephants. The army of Antiochus consisted of sixty-two thou sand foot, six thousand horse, and a hun dred and two elephants. Prideaux, Con. III. 151. ^But the multitude shall be given into his hand. That is, the multi tude of the army of Antiochus. In the battle that was fought at Raphia, Ptolemy profligate and vicious prince. Prideaux, Con. III. 146. The effect of such a vic tory would be to lift him up with pride. ^[ And he shall cast down many ten thou sands. Or, rather, the meaning is, 'he has cast down many myriads.' The ob ject seems to be to give a reason why his heart was lifted up. The fact that ho had been thus successful, is the reason gained the victory. Ten thousand of the which is assigned, and this effect of army of Antiochus were slain, four thou- 1 great victory has not been uncommon in

Band taken prisoners, and with the re mainder of his forces Antiochus retreated toAntiocb. Prideaux, III. 152, 153. Per- haps also the expression 'the multitudes: returned immediately after his victory shall be given intohis hand,' may refer not i into Egypt, and surrendered himself up only to the army, and his victory over it, to the enjoyment of his pleasures. The consequence was, that he, by his conduct, but to the fact that the inhabitants of Coelesyria and Palestine would hasten to eubmit themselves to him. After this and greatly weakened himself in the affecf reat batU« at Raphia, and the retreat i tions and confidence of the rest. After

13 For the king of the north shall return, and shall set forth a multi tude greater than the former, and shall certainly come a after certain years with a great army and with much riches.

the victory, he concluded a truce with Antiochus; and the result was, that his people, who expected much more from

14 And in those times there shall many stand up against the king of the south: also the & robbers of thy people shall exalt themselves to es-

mentto invade the dominions of Ptolemy Epiphanes, and to divide them between themselves. At the same time a treasona- hiin, and supposed that he would have! hie plot was laid against the life of Ptolprosecuted the war, became dissatisfied j emv by Scopas the JEtolian (Polyb. xvii.), with his conduct, and broke out into re- 1 who had under his command the army of bellion. As a matter of fact, he was less the ^Etolians, and who designed to take strong in the confidence and affections of \ advantage of the youth of the king, and his people, and would have been less able I seize upon the throne. This project was towage a war, after his triumph over I defeated by the vigilance of Aristomenes, Antiochus than he was before. See Pri- the prime minister. Prideaux, III. 181. deaux, Con. III. 155, seq. \ See also the account of the conspiracy of

13. For the king of the north shall re- \ Agathocles, and his sister Agathoclea, turn. That is, he shall come again into; against Ptolemy, when an infant, in Prithe regions of Coelesyria and Palestine, to j deaux, III. 168, seq. These facts fully acrecover them if possible from the power j cord with what is said in thepassage before of the Egyptian king. «f And shall set forth j us- If Also the robbers of thy people shall a multitude greater than the former. Than j exalt themselves. The angel here turns to he had in the former war when he was I Daniel, and states what would be done in defeated. The fact was, that Antiochus,! these circumstances by his own peoplein this expedition, brought with him thej the Jews. It is to bo remembered that, forces with which he had successfully in- in these times, they were alternately unvaded the East, and the army had been der the dominion of the Egyptian and the raised for that purpose, and was much! Syrian monarchs of Ptolemy — or of Anlarger than that with which he had for- j tiochus. The principal seat of the wars merly attacked Ptolemy. See Prideaux, j between Syria and Egypt was Palestine —

III. 163 — 165. ^[ And shall certainly come after certain years with a great army.

Thia occurred B. C. 203, fourteen years em7 Philopater had subdued Coelesyria after the former war. Prideaux, III. 19. J and Palestine, and Ptolemy Epiphanes

^f With much riches. Obtained in conquests in Parthia and other portions of the East. See Prideaux, ut supra. The history of Antiochus corresponds pre cisely with the statement here.

14. And in these times there shall many stand up against the king of the south. Against the king of Egypt. That is, not only Antiochus the Great, who was al- came into possession of them when he ascended the throne. But the angel now says that a portion of his people would take occasion, from the weakness of the youthful monarch of Egypt, and the con spiracies in his own kingdom, and the for eign combinations against him, to attempt to throw off his authority, and to become independent. That part of the people ways opposed to him, and'who was con- I who would attempt to do this is desigstantly waging war with him, but also ' nated in the common translation as, 'tho othcrs with whom he would be particu- \ robbers of thy people.' This, however, is larly involved, or who would be opposed j scarcely a correct version, and does not to him. The reference is especially to P™perly indicate the persons that would Philip, king of Macedon, and to Agatho- be engaged in the plot. The marginal cles, who excited a rebellion against him reading 1S> children of robbers. The Latin in Egypt. See Jerome on Dan. xi; Po- Vulgate, filii quoque pra;varicatorum lybius, xv. 20; Lengerke, in loc., and populi tui. The Greek renders it, Prideaux, III. 1 98. Antiochus and l>i vtot row AOJ^WC ruu \adv oov — ' the sons of Philip of Macedon entered into an agree- the pests of thy people.' Lengerke ron.

ders it, 'the most powerful people of thy nation' — die ycwaltsnmsten Leute deines Volkes. The Hebrew word — pis — means properly, rending, ravenous — as of wild beasts, Isa. xxxv. 9; and then violent, rayxtcious; an oppressor, robber. Gesenius, Lex. The reference here seems to be to the mighty ones of the nation; the chiefs. or rulers — but a name is given them that would properly denote their character for oppression and rapacity. It would seem — what is indeed probable from the cir cumstances of the case — that the nation •was not only subject to this foreign au thority, but that those who were placed over it, under that foreign authority, and who were probably mainly of their own people, were also themselves tyrannical

15 So the king of the north shall come, and cast up amount, and take

ter had a great influence on the series of events that contributed to the accomplish ment of that prediction. Lengerke sup poses that the ' vision' here refers to that spoken of in ch. ix. 24. IT But they shall fall. They shall not succeed in the ob ject which they have in view. Their con duct in the affair will indeed promote the fulfilment of the 'vision,' but it will not secure the ends which they have in view — perhaps their own aggrandizement; or the favour of Antiochus towards themselves; or the permanent separation of the nation from the Egyptian rule, or the hope that their country might become independent altogether. As a matter of fact, Antio chus subsequently, on his return from Egypt (B. C. 198), took Jerusalem, and and oppressive in their character. These slew man^ of the Part^ of Ft°lemy, who subordinate rulers, however, preferred the I had Slven themselves up to him, though authority of Antiochus to that of Pto- I he snowe(i particular favour to those who letuy, and on the occasion of his return from the conquest of Coelesyriaand Somaria, they met him, and professed submis sion to him. Josephus, Ant. B. XII. ch. iii. $ 3. " The Jews," says Josephus,: of their own accord, went over to him, had adhered to the observance of their own law, and could not be prevailed on by the king of Egypt to apostatize from it. Prideaux, III. 198, Jos. Ant. B. xii. ch. v. § 3.

and received him into the city [Jerusa- I the Great- 11 $hal1 come- Snall come lem], and gave plentiful provision to his j af;i\i°t^eseproyi1ncf;, This occurred army, and to his elephants, and readily assisted him when he besieged the garri son which was in the citadel of Jerusalem.

after he had vanquished the army of the Egyptians at Paneas. He then took Sidon and Para, and made himself master

Jews j wrote letters to the generals of his!,ral of Ptolem7> hacl b^en sent by him into armies commendin their conduct ub-! Coelesyna and Palestine, with a view of commending their conduct; pub lished a decree respecting the piety of the Jewish people, and sent an epistle to Ptolemy, stating what he had done for them, and what he desired should be fur ther done. See these statements and let ters in Josephus, ut supra. ^ To establish the vision. That is, to bring to pass what is seen in the vision, and what had been predicted in regard to the Hebrew people. Their conduct in this matter shall have an important bearing on the fulfilment of subjecting those countries again to Egyp tian rule. He was met by Antiochus at Paneas, near the sources of the Jordan, and defeated, and fled with ten thousand men to Sidon, where he fortified himself, but from whence he was expelled by An tiochus. ^[ And cast up a mount. A for tification. That is, he shall so entrench himself that he cannot be dislodged. The reference does not seem to be to any par ticular fortification, but to the general the prophecy pertaining to that people— I fact that he would so entrench or fortify shall be one of the links in the chain of | himself that he would make his conquests events securing its accomplishment. The! secure- * And take the most fenced cities. angel does not say that it was a part of | Marg., city of munitions. Heb., 'city of their design to ' establish the vision/ but! fortifications.' The singular is used here that that would be the result of what they; in a collective sense; or perhaps there is 4id. No doubt their conduct in this mat-! allusion particularly to Sidon whore Sco-

the a most fenced cities: and the arms of the south shall not with stand, neither bhis chosen people, neither shall there be any strength to •withstand.

16 But he that cometh against

pas entrenched himself, making it as strong as possible. 5F And the arms of the south shall not withstand. Shall not be able to resist him, or to dislodge him. The power of the Egyptian forces shall not be sufficient to remove him from his entrenchments. The Hebrew is, 'shall not stand;' that is, shall not stand against him, or maintain their position in his ad vances. The word arms — rrijni — is used here in the sense of heroes, warriors, com manders, as in Ezek. xxx. 22, 24, 25. If Neither his chosen people. Marg., ' peo ple of his choice.' Those which he had selected or chosen to carry on the war — referring, perhaps, to the fact that he would deem it necessary to employ picked men, or to send the choicest of his forces in order to withstand Antiochus. Such an occurrence is in every way probable. To illustrate this, it is only necessary to say that the Egyptians sent three of their most distinguished generals, with a se lect army, to deliver Sidon — Eropus, Menelaus, and Damoxenus. Lengerke, in loc. ^f Neither shall there be any strength to withstand. No forces which the Egyp tians can employ. In other words, An tiochus would carry all before him. This is in strict accordance with the history. When Scopas was defeated by Antiochus at Paneas, near the sources of the Jordan, he fled and entrenched himself in Sidon. There he was followed and besieged by Antiochus. The king of Egypt sent the three generals above named, with a choice army, to endeavour to deliver Scopas, but they were unable. Scopas was obliged to surrender, in consequence of famine, and the chosen forces returned to Egypt. 16. But he that cometh against him shall do according fo his own will. Th.it is, Antiochus who 'came against' Scopas, the Egyptian general, sent out by Pto lemy. The idea is, that Antiochus would be entirely successful in the countries of Coelesyria and Palestine. As a matter of fact, as stated above, he drove Scopas eut of those regions, and compelled him

him shall do according to his own will, and none shall stand before him: and he shall stand in the c glorious land, which by his hand shall be consumed.

to take refuge in Sidon, and then be sieged him, and compelled him to sur render, ^f And none shall stand before! him. That is, neither the forces that I Scopas had under his command, nor the \ choice and select armies sent out from; Egypt for his rescue under Eropus, Meue- | laus, and Damoxenus. ^And he shall | stand in the glorious land. Marg., ' the i land of ornament, or goodly land.' The I Hebrew word — OS — means properly | splendour, beauty, and was given to the I holy land, or Palestine, on account of | its beauty, as being a land of beauty or fertility. Comp. Ezek. xx. 6, 15; xxvi.;12; Jer. iii. 19, and Dan. xi. 45. Tho meaning here is, that he would obtain: possession of the land of Israel, and that | no one would be able to stand against! him. By the defeat of Scopas, and of the i forces sent to aid him when entrenched I in Sidon, this was accomplished, f Which by his hand shall be consumed. As would be natural when his invading army should pass through it. The angel does not j seem to refer to any wanton destruction of the land, but only to what would ne- | cessarily occur in its invasion, and in j securing provision for the wants of an army. As a matter of fact, Antiochus did many things to conciliate the favour of the Jews, and granted to them many privileges. See Josephus, Ant. B. XII. ch. iii. $ 3. But, according to Josophus, these favours were granted subsequently to the wars with Scopas, and as a com pensation for the injuries which their country had suffered in the wars which had been waged between him and Sco pas within their borders. The following language of Josephus respecting the effect of these wars, will justify and explain what is here said by the angel: " Now it happened that, in the reign of Anti ochus the Great, who ruled over all Asia, the Jews, as well as the inhabitants of Coelesyria, suffered greatlj', and their land was sorely harassed; for while ho was at war with Ptolemy Philopater, and

17 He shall also set his face * to enter -with the strength of his whole

•with his son who was called Epiphanes, it fell out that these nations were equally sufferers, both when he was beaten, and when he beat the others: so that they Tvero like to a ship in a storm which is tossed by the waves on both sides, and just thus were they in their situation in the middle between Antiochus' prosperity and its change to adversity." Ant. B. XII. ch. iii. $3. When Antiochus was successful against Scopas, however, the Jews "went over to him," says Josephus, " of their own accord," and received him into Jerusalem, and as a consequence of the aid which they rendered him, he granted them the favours and privi leges mentioned by Josephus. The immediate consequence of the wars, how ever, was extended desolation, and it is to this to which the passage before us refers. Lengerke, however, supposes that the meaning of the passage is, that the whole land would be subdued under him. The Hebrew word rendered ' shall be consumed' — rhz — means properly to be completed, finished, closed; then to be consumed, wasted, spent, destroyed: Gen. xxi. 15; 1 Kings xvii. 16; Jer. xvi. 4; Ezek. v. 13. The destruction caused by invading and conflicting armies in a land, would answer to all that is properly implied in the use of the word.

17. He shall alno set hi» face. Anti ochus. That is, he shall resolve or de termine. To set one's face in any direc tion is to determine to go there. The meaning hero is, that Antiochus, flushed with success, and resolved to push his conquests to the utmost, would make use of all the forces at his disposal to over come the Egyptians, and to bring them into subjection to his sway. He had driven Scopas from Coelesyria, and from Sidon, had subjected the land of Palestine to his control, and now nothing seemed to prevent his extending his conquests to the utmost limits of his ambition. The reference here is to a purpose of An tiochus to wage war with Egypt, and to invade it. From that purpose, however, he was turned, as we shall see, by hig wars in Asia Minor, and he endeavoured, as stated in the subsequent part of Mie verse, if not to subdue Egypt and to •ring it under his control, at least \o neutralize it so that it would not inter fere with his wars with the Romans. If: his attention had not been diverted, how- I ever, by more promising or more brilliant j prospects in another direction, he would; undoubtedly have made an immediate I descent on Egypt itself. 1[ With, the | strength of his whole kingdom. Suinmonj ing all the forces of his empire. This would seem to be necessary in invading Egypt, and in the purpose to dethrone j and humble his great rival. The armies I which he had employed had been sufii- J cient to drive Scopas out of Palestine, and to subdue that country, but obviously! stronger forces would be necessary in j carrying the war into Egypt, and at-: tempting a foreign conquest, f And up right ones with him. Marg., ' or, much uprightness, or, equal conditions.' The I Hebrew word here used — nrj — means ' properly straight, right; then that which is straight or upright — applied to per sons, denoting their righteousness or in tegrity, Job i. 1, 8; Ps. xi. 7. By way of eminence it is applied to the Jewish people, as being a righteous or upright people — the people of God — and is lan-! guage which a Hebrew would naturally: apply to his own nation. In this sense I it is undoubtedly used here, to denote not I the pious portion, but the nation as such; j and the meaning is, that, in addition to i those whom he could muster from his I own kingdom, Antiochus would expect to be accompanied with large numbers of the Hebrews — the 'upright' people — in his invasion of Egypt. This he might 1 anticipate from two causes, (a) the lact that they had already rendered him so much aid, and showed themselves so friendly, as stated by Josephus in tho passage referred to above; and (I) from the benefit which ho had granted to them, which furnished a reasonable presump tion that they would withhold their aid in his further attempts to subdue Egypt.! The Jews might hope at least that if | Egypt were subjected to the Syrian | sceptre, their own country lying between '< the two, would be at peace, and that they would no more be harassed by its being made the seat of wars — the battle-field of two great contending powers. It was not without reason, therefore, that Ant!-

him; thus shall he do: and he shall!» corrupting her: but she shall not give him the daughter of women,! stand on his side, neither be for him,

ochus anticipated that in his invasion of son of Ptolemy Philopater, then thirteen Egypt, he would be accompanied and as- years of age. The valuable consideration sisted by not a few of the Hebrew peo- in the view of Ptolemy in this marriage, pie. As this is the natural and obvious | was, that, as a dowry, Coelesyria, Samameaning of the passage, and accords en- ria, Judea, and Phoenicia, were given to tirely with the sense of the Hebrew word,; her. Josephus, Ant. B. XII. ch. 4. § 1. it is unnecessary to attempt to prove that This agreement or contract of marriage the marginal rending is not correct, was entered into immediately after the f Thus shall he do. That is, in the man- defeat of Scopas, B. C. 197. The contract ner which is immediately specified. He! was, that the marriage should take place phall adopt the policy there stated — by j as soon as the parties were of suitable giving his daughter in marriage with an j age, and that Coelesyria and Palestine Egyptian prince — to accomplish the ends j should be given as a dowry. The marwhich he has in view. The reference | riago took place B. C. 193, when Antiohere is to another stroke of policy, made; chus was making preparation for his wars necessary by his new wars with the Ro- j with the Romans. Jahn, Heb. Commonmans, and by the diversion of his forces, j wealth, ch. ix. $ 89, p. 246. In this way, in consequence, in a new direction. The natural step, after the defeat of the Egyp- tian armies in Palestine, would have been I work with the Romans. The appellation to carry his conquests at once into Egypt, i here bestowed on Cleopatra — daughter and this he appears to have contemplated. [ of women — seems to have been given to But, in the meantime, he became engaged; her by way of eminence, as an heiress to in wars in another quarter — with the Ro-! the crown, or a princess, or as the prinmans, and as Ptolemy in such circum- j cipal one among the women of the land, stances would be likely to unite with the j There can be no doubt of its reference to Romans against Antiochus, in order to I her. ^[ Corrupting her. Marg., as in Hebind the Egyptians to himself, and to brew, to corrupt. There has been sorno neutralize them in these wars, this alli ance was proposed and formed by which he connected his own family with the doubt, however, in regard to the word her, in this place, whether it refers to Cleopatra or to the kingdom of Egypt. Rosenmiil- royal family in Egypt by marriage. ^ And; ler, Prideaux, J. D. Michaelis, Bertholdt, he shall give him. Give to Ptolemy. An- j Dereser, and others refer it to Cleopatra, tiochus would seek to form a matrimonial j and suppose that it means that Antioalliance that would, for the time at least,! chus had instilled into her mind evilprinsecure the neutrality or the friendship of j ciples in order that she might betray her the Egyptians. <[ The daughter of wo- \ husband, and that thus, by the aid of her men. The reference here is undoubtedly j arts, he might obtain possession of Egypt, to his own daughter, Cleopatra. The! On the other hand, Lengerke, Maurer, historical facts in the case, as stated by j De Wette, Hiivernick, Elliott (Apocalypse Lengerke (in loc.), are these: — After An- j iv. 130), and others, suppose that the reftiochus had subdued Coelesyria and i erence is to Egypt, and that the meaning Palestine, he became involved in wars | is that Antiochus was disposed to enter with the Romans in Asia Minor, in or- j into this alliance with a view of influencler to extend the kingdom of Syria to I ing the Egyptian government not to unite the limits which it had in the time of Se-! with the Romans and oppose him; that leucus Nicator. In order to carry on his is, that it was on his part an artful device designs in that quarter, however, it be- j to turn away the Egyptian government eaine necessary to secure the neutrality j from its true interest, and to accomplish or the co-operation of Egypt, for Ptolemy i his own purposes. The latter agrees best favour the Romans in their wars with will admit of either construction. As a Antiochus. Antiochus, therefore, ncgo- 1 matter of fact loth these objects seem to tiated a marriage between his daughter j have been aimed at — for it was equally Cleopatra, and Ptolemy Epiphanes, the | true that in this way he sought to turn

18 After this shall he turn his face unto the isles, and shall take many:

away the Egyptian government and king dom from its true interests, and that in making use of his daughter to carry out this project it was expected that she would employ artifice to influence her future husband. This arrangement was the more necessary, as, in consequence of the fame which the Romans had acquired in overcoming Hannibal, the Egyptians had applied to them for protection and aid in their wars with Antiochus, and offered them, as a consideration, the guardianship of young Ptolemy. This offer the Ro mans accepted with joy, and sent M. jEmilius Lepidus to Alexandria as guar dian of the young king of Egypt. Polybius xv. 20, Appian, Syriac. i. 1, Livy xxxi. 14, xxxiii. 19, Justin xxx. 2, 3, xxxi. 1. The whole was on the part of Antiochus, a stroke of policy, and it could not be accomplished without that which has been found necessary in political de vises — the employment of bribery or cor ruption. It accords well with the charac ter of Antiochus to suppose that he would not hesitate to instil into the mind of his daughter all his own views of policy, ^f But she shall not stand on his side, neither be for him. That is, she would become at tached to her husband, and would favour his interests rather than the crafty de signs of her father. On this passage, Je

rome remarks: "Antiochus desirous of possessing Syria, Cilicia, and Lycia., and the other provinces which belonged to Ptolemy, but to extend also his own scep tre over Egypt itself, betrothed his own daughter Cleopatra to Ptolemy, and pro mised to give as a dowry Coelesyria and Judea. But he could not obtain posses sion of Egypt in this way, because Ptol emy Epiphanes, perceiving his design, acted with caution, and because Cleopa tra favoured the purposes of her husband rather than those of her father." So

Jahn, Heb. Commonwealth, p. 246, says: "He indulged the hope that when his daughter became queen of Egypt, she would bring the kingdom under his influ ence; but she proved more faithful to her husband than to her father."

1 8. After this shall he turn his face unto the inlev. The islands of the Mediterra nean, particularly those in the neighbour hood of and constituting a part of Greece. Ibis he did in his wars with the Ko- mans, for the Roman power then compre hended that part of the world, and it was the design of Antiochus, as already re marked, to extend the limits of his em pire as far as it was at the time of Seleucus Nicator. This occurred after the de feat of Scopas, for, having given his daughter in marriage to Ptolemy, he sup posed that he had guarded himself from any interference in his wars with the Romans from the Egyptians, and sent two of his sons with an army by land to Sardis, and he himself with a great fleet sailed at the same time into the ^Egcan sea, and took many of the islands in that sea. The war which was waged between Antiochus and the Romans lasted for three years, and ended in the defeat of Antiochus, and in the subjugation of the Syrian kingdom to the Roman power, though, when it became a Roman province, it continued to be governed by its own kings. In this war, Hannibal, of the Carthagenians, was desirous that An tiochus should unite with him in carrying his arms into Italy, with the hope that together they would be able to overcome the Romans, but Antiochus preferred to confine his operations to Asia Minor, and the maritime parts of Greece, and the consequence of this, and of the luxury and indolence into which he sank, was his ultimate overthrow. Comp. Jahn's Ileb. Commonwealth, pp. 246 — 249. ^ And shall, take many. Many of those islands; many portions of the maritime country of Asia Minor and Greece. As a matter of fact, during this war which he waged, he became possessed of Ephesus, JStolia, the island of Euboea; when in the year 191 B. C., he married Eubia, a young lady of great beauty, and gave himself up for a long time to festivity and amuse ments — and then entrenched himself strongly at the pass of Thermopylae. Af terwards, when driven from that strong hold, he sailed to the Thracian Chersonesus, and fortified Sestus, Abydos, and other places, and, in fact, during these military expeditions, obtained the mas tery of no inconsiderable part of the maritime portions of Greece. The pro phecy was strictly fulfilled, that he should ' take many' of those places, ^f But a prince for his own behalf. A Roman prince, or a leader of the Roman armies.

but a prince for his »own behalf shall cause the b reproach offered by him to cease; without his own re proach he shall cause it to turn upon

The reference is to Lucius Cornelius Scipio, called Scipio Asiaticus, in contra- discomfiture — any imputation of want of skill or valour. That is, he would so con- called Africanus, from his conquest over j reputation. This was in all respects true Hannibal and the Carthagenians. The j of Seipio. ^[ He shall cause it to turn Scipio here referred to received the name | upon him. The reproach or shame which Aiiaticus, on account of his victories in he seemed to cast upon the Romans would the East, and particularly in this war with Antiochus. He was a brother of return upon himself. This occurred the successive defeats of Antiochus

Scipio Africanus, and had accompanied i several engagements by water and by him in his expedition into Spain andjlnnd, and in his final and complete over- Africa. After his return he was rewarded j throw at the battle of Magnesia (B. G.

with the consulship for his services to the state, and was empowered to attack An tiochus, who had declared war against the Romans. In this Avar he was prosperous, and Succeeded in retrieving the honour of the Roman name, and in wiping off the reproach which the Roman armies had suffered from the conquests of Antiochus. When it is said that he would do this 'for his own behalf,' the meaning is, doubtless, that he would engage in the enterprise for his own glory, or to secure fame for him self. It was not the love of justice, or the love of country, but it was to secure for himself a public triumph — perhaps hoping, by subduing Antiochus, to obtain one equal to that which his brother had received after his wars with Hannibal. The motive here ascribed to this 'prince' was so common in the leaders of the Ro man armies, and has been so generally prevalent among mankind, that there can be no hesitation in supposing that it was j accurately ascribed to this conqueror, Scipio, and that the enterprise in which he embarked in opposing Antiochus was primarily 'on his own behalf.' ^ Shall cause the reproach offered by him to cease. The reproach offered by Antiochus to the Roman power. The margin is, 'bis re proach.' The reference is to the disgrace brought on the Roman armies by the con quests of Antiochus. Antiochus had seemed to mock that power; he had en gaged in war with the conquerors of na tions; ho had gained victories, and thus appeared to insult the majesty of the Ro man name. All this was turned back again, or caused to cease, by the victories of Scipio. ^[ Without his own reproach. Without any reproach to himself — any

190), by Sripio. After being several times overcome by the Romans, and vainly sueing for peace, "Antiochus lost all presence of mind, and withdrew his garrison from all the cities on the Helles pont, and, in his precipitate flight, left all his military stares behind him. He re newed his attempts to enter into negotia tions for peace, but when he was required to relinquish all his possessions west of the Taurus, and defray the expense of the war, be resolved to try his fortune once more in a battle by land. Antiochus brought into the field seventy thousand infantry, twelve thousand cavalry, and a great number of camels, elephants, and chariots armed with scythes. To these the Romans could oppose but thirty thou sand men, and yet they gained a decisive victory. The Romans lost only three hundred and twenty-five men; while, of the forces of Antiochus, fifty thousand infantry, four thousand cavalry, and fif teen elephants, were left dead on the field, fifteen hundred men were made prisoners, and the king himself with great difficulty made his escape to Sardis. He now humbly sued for peace, and it was granted on the terms to which he had formerly refused compliance — that he should sur render all his possessions west of the Tau rus, and that he should defray the ex penses of the war. He farther obligated himself to keep no elephants, and not more than twelve ships. To secure the performance of these conditions, the Ro mans required him to deliver up twelve hostages of their own selection, among whom was his son Antiochus, afterwards surnamed Epiphanes." Jahn's Heb. Com* monwealth, pp. 248, 249.

19 Then he shall turn his face to- 1 b estate a c raiser of taxes in the ward the fort of his own land: but glory of the kingdom: but within

days he shall be destroyed, he shall stumble and fall, a and not be found. 20 Then shall stand up in his b or, place, ver. 7.

19. Then lie shall turn his face toward j to impel, and it is then applied to one the fort of his own land. The strong for- j who urges or presses a debtor, or who tifications of his own land — for the He- i exacts tribute of a people. The word is brew word is in the plural. This he used with reference to money exactions would do, of course, for protection. He in Deut. xv. 2, 3: "Every creditor that would cease his attempts at conquest, and ilendeth aught unto his neighbour, shall endeavour to find security in his own for- 1 not exact it of his neighbour or brother; tresses. As a matter of fact, after this de- j of a foreigner thou mayest exact it again." feat, Antiochus, in order to replenish his i So in 2 Kings xxiii. 35, Jehoiakiui taxed exhausted coffers, and to find the means the land 4< to give the money according of meeting the claims of the Romans, went to the commandment of Pharaoh; ho exinto certain provinces of his empire. He; acted the silver and the gold of the people attempted no other foreign wars, but sought security in his own dominions. f| But he shall stumble and fall, and not le found. He died in an attempt to plun der the temple of Elymais. In this ho provoked the people to an insurrection, and was slain, together with the soldiers who were with him. What was his motire for plundering that temple is uncer tain; whether it was to meet the demands of the Romans, or whether it was avarice (Justin xxxiii. 2), but it was in this way that he 'stumbled and fell,' and passed away. Jerome, Com. in Inc., Diod. Sic. Fragment* xxvi. 30, 49, Justin xxxii. 2, Strabo p. 744. The prophecy respecting specified are as minute and accurate as if it had been written after the event. Indeed, the whole account is just such as one would prepare now who should under take to express in a brief compass the principal events in the life of Antiochus the Great.

of the land." In Zech. ix. 8, "And no oppressor shall pass through them any more," the same word is used. Here it denotes one who would be mainly cha racterized by his extorting tribute of his people, or using means to obtain money. ^| In the glory of the kingdom. The word in here is supplied by our translators. Lengerke renders it, 'who shall suffer the tax-gatherer (eintreiber) to go through the glory of the kingdom.' This is evi dently the meaning. He would lay the richest and most productive parts of his kingdom under contribution. This might be either to pay a debt contracted by a former monarch; or to carry on war; or to him terminates here, and the particulars obtain the means of luxurious indulgence;

or for purposes of magnificence and dis play. ^[ But within few days. A compa rative brief period. Comp. Gen.xxvii. 44, xxix. 20. It is impossible from this to determine the precise period which he would live, but the language would leave the impression that his would be a short reign. ^[ He shall be destroyed. Heb., shall be broken. That is, his power.«hall be broken; he shall cease to reign. It means properly a stand, station, place, ue ™*?i "' ^"^ tu '^S»- « (see No?es on ver. 2), and the idea here is would not be certainly inferred from this simply that he would be succeeded in the kingdom by such an one. His successor would have the character and destiny which the prophecy proceeds to specify. ^f A raiser of taxes. One who shall be mainly characterized for this; that is, whose government would be distinguished eminently by his efforts to wring money out of the people. The Hebrew word — iTj; — means properly to urge, to drive, die at that time, but that his reign then would come to an end, though it might be in some peaceful way. ^[ Neither in anger. Heb., angers. Not in any tu mult or excitement, or by any rage of his subjects. This would certainly im ply that his death would be a peaceful death. *j[ Nor in battle. As many kings fell. The description would indicate a reign of peace, and one whose end would be peace, but who would have but a brief reign. The reference here is, un doubtedly, to Seleucus Philopator, the payment of one thousand talents to the Ro mans had reduced his finances to a very low ebb. With the design, therefore, of replenishing his exhausted treasury, he eldest son of Antiochus the Great, and sent Heliodorus to Jerusalem to plunder his immediate successor. The fulfilment the temple." Comp. Appian Syriac. xlv. of the prediction is seen in the following 60 — 65. See also Prideaux, Conn. III. 20S, facts in regard to him: (a) As an exac tor of tribute. He was bound to the tribute which his father had agreed to the Romans. This tribute amounted to a thousand talents annually, and consequently made it necessary for him to apply his energies to the raising of that sum. The Jewish talent of silver was equal to about $1505 of our money, and consequently this thousand talents, of the Jewish talent of silver here referred to, was equal to about a million and a half of dollars. The Greek talent of sil ver was worth $1055 of our money, and, if this was the talent, the sum would be about a million. To raise this, in addi tion to the ordinary expenses of the go vernment, would require an effort, and, as this was continued from year to year, and as Seleucus was known for little else, it was not unnatural that he should be

2 Mac. iii. Besides this, the necessity of raising so much revenue, would give him the character of 'raiser of taxes.' (c) This was done in what might properly bo termed 'the glory of his kingdom/ or in what would, in the language of an Hebrew, be so called — Ccelesyria and Palestine. To the eye of a Hebrew this was the glory of all lands, and the Jew ish writers were accustomed to designate it by some such appellation. Comp. Notes on ver. 16. (rf) His reign con tinued but a short time — answering to what is here said, that it would be for a, 'few days.' In fact, he reigned but eleven or twelve years, but that, cornpared with the long reign of Antiochus his father — thirty-seven years— was a brief period. (e) The manner of his death. Ho did not fall in battle, nor was he cut off in a popular tumult. He characterized as the 'raiser of taxes.' was, in fact, poisoned. In the eleventh (6) Especially would this be true in the! year of his reign, he sent his only son estimation of the Jews, for no small part! Demetrius as a hostage to Rome, and reof these taxes, or this revenue, was de- leased his brother Antiochus, who had rived from Palestine. Seleucus, taking • resided twelve years in that city. As advantage of the disturbances in Egypt,: the heir to the crown was now out of had reunited to the Syrian crown the | the way, Heliodorus sought to raise himprovinces of Coelesyria and Palestine, | self to the royal dignity, and for this which his father Antiochus the Great had! purpose he destroyed the king by poigiven in dowry to his daughter Cleopatra, I son. He attached a large party to his who was married to Ptolemy Epiphanes. interests, and finally gained over those Jahn, Heb. Commonwealth, p. 255. In who were in favour of submitting to the the year 176 B. C., Simon, a Benja- king of Egypt. Antiochus Epiphanes reminite, who became governor of the tern-! ceived notice of these transactions while pie at Jerusalem, the farmer of the reve nues of the Egyptian kings, attempted to make some innovations, which were he was at Athens on his return from Rome. He applied himself to Eurnenes, king of Pcrgamus, whom, with his bro- steadily resisted by the high priest. ther Attalus, he easily induced to espouse Onias III. Simon, in anger, went to; his cause, and they, with the help of a Apollonius, governor of Coelesyria under j part of the Syrian?, deprived Heliodorus Seleucu?, and informed him of the great of his usurped authority. Thus, in the treasures contained in the temple. '' The! year 175 B. C., Antiochus Epiphanes king,'' says Jahn, (Hob. Commonwealth, quietly ascended the throne, while the p. 255,) -'though a friend to the Jews,; lawful heir, Demetrius, was absent at and though he had regularly made dis- j Rome. Appian, Syriac. xlr. 60 — 65. bursements, according to the directions I Jahn, Heb. Commonwealth ch. ix. $ 91. of his father, towards sustaining the ex- The remainder of this chapter is occupied penses of the sacrifices at Jerusalem, de- with a detail of the crimes, the cruelties, termined to apply to his own use the! and the oppressions of Antiochus Epitreasures of tho temple; for the annual j phanes, or Antiochus IV. 38*

21 T[ And in his a estate shall stand up a vile person, to whom they shall

not give the honour of the kingdom: but he shall come in peaceably, and obtain the kingdom by flatteries.

21. And in his estate. In Iris place, streets, when he would throw his money Notes on vs. 2, 20. ^ Shall stand tip a \ about, and practice various other foolervile person. There shall succeed to the ies equally extravagant. He would pathrone. The reference here is to Antio- j rade the streets of his capitol in a long chus Epiphanes, who reigned from B. C. j robe, and with a garland of roses upon 175 to B. C. 163. The epithet ' vile' here I his head, and if any attempted to pass by given him, was one which his subsequent I or to follow him, he would pelt them with history showed was eminently appropriate stones which he carried concealed under to him. in all respects, as a man and as a his garments," &c. See also Appian in prince. The Hebrew word rendered 'vile* Syriacis xlv. 70 — 75; Eusebius in Chro- — n^3 — properly means one despised or; nicon; Athenceus, lib. v. p. 193, x. p. 438; held in contempt. Isa. xlix. 7, Ps. xxii. 7. i Livy xli- 20'' Diod- Sic- FrnS- xxvi- 65> The meaning here is, that he was one who xxxi- ^ 8> Prideaux Con. iii. 212—214; deserved to be despised, and who would i l Mac- J- 9- If To wlwm '% «**« "«* be held in contempt— a man of a low, base,! ffive the honour of the kingdom. That is, contemptible character. Vulg., despcctus. \ the people. Or, in other words, it should Gr., ^ow&i/wSij. Luther, ein ungeachteter.! not be conferred on him by any law or Never were terms better applied to a man j act?f the ****** <*** any regu1^ sucthan these to Antiochus Epiphanes— both! cession or £laim- The true heir to the before and after his ascension to the crown was Demetrius, who was absent at throne. The manner of his seizing upon Rome- °" him the crown would have the crown is stated above. He was sur- regularly devolved; but in his absence it named Epiphanes ('Emda^j) the Illustri- \ was obtained bJ Antiochus by arts which o.«, because, if we believe Appian, he | he P^ct.sed and not by any voluntary vindicated the claims of the royal family j?rant of th.c nat'on".. ^ -»«'»« «J«« «>»»« a-ainst the usurpations of the foreigner f peaceably Quietly j without war or

—God, which is still seen upon his coins. used, in the midst of security, that j

But by his subjects he was called Epi- unexpected]y, suddenly. The idea seems manes ( E*t#>*n) the Imane, instead of | to be thafc he woukl do itwhcn the nntion Epiphanes— a name which he much more wns not expecting it, or apprehending it: richly deserved. The following state- when thcy would be taken off their d ment from Jahn (Heb. Commonwealth J and ho would «steal a rnarch upon them/ ch. x. § 92) will show with what propriety A11 this accordcd with fact. The nathe term ' vde' was applied to him: "He tion seemed not to have anticipated that often lounged like a mere idler about the! Antiochus would attempt to ascend the streets of Antioch, attended by two or; throne on the death of his brother. But three servants, and not deigning to look he qujetly left Rome— while Demetrius, at the nobles; would talk with goldsmiths his nephew, the true heir to the crown, and other mechanics in their workshops, \ remained there— came to Athens, and engage in idle and trifling conversation iearned what was the state of things in with the lowest of the people, and mingle Svria) where Heliodorus had usurped the in the society of foreigners and men of authority; made an agreement with the the vilest character. He was not ashamed j king of pergamus to aid him, and, by to go into the dissipated circles of the | the assistance of a part of the Syrians young, to drink and carouse with them, j who were opposed to the usurper Helioand to assist their merriment by singing; dorus, deprived him of the authority, and songs and playing on his flute. lie often | himself took possession of the crown. No appeared in the public baths among the; one seemed to suspect that this was his common people, engaged in every kind of aim, or to doubt that his object w;is to foolish jest without the least regard to the remove an usurper that his nephew mighJ dignity of his station and character. Not j be placed on the throne. ^[ And obtain unfrequently he was seen drunk in the | the kingdom by flatteries. nip'jpSn — lu-

22 And a-with the arms of a flood | him, and shall be broken; yea, also shall they be overflown from before I the prince of the covenant.

bricitatcs, blanditice. " The word," says vasion — seemed to spread itself out like Elliott (Apoc. iv. 133), "has a double • waters, sweeping all away. ^ Shall they sense, being applied both to the slipperi- \ be overflown from before him. The proness of a path, and tho slipperiness or: phet does not specify who they would be flattering and deceit of the tongue. In j that would thus be overthrown. Some the former sense it occurs in Ps. xxxv. 6, ' have supposed that the reference is to the ' Let their way be dark and slippery;' in i Hebrew, but the more correct interpretathe latter, its originating verb, Prov. ii. 6, | tion is that which refers it to Egypt. See vit. 5, ' The stranger that flattereth or Notes on ver. 25. As a matter of fact, dissembleth with his words;' and Prov. | the forces of Heliodorus, the forces of the xxix. 5, 'A man that flattereth or dissem-! Hebrews, and the forces of the Egyptians, bleth to his neighbour.' In this latter | were alike broken and scattered before sense the verbal seems to be used both him. The eye of the prophet, however, here and in the verses 32, 34, below, seems rather here to be on the invasion 'arts of dissimulation.' Gesenius." The of Egypt, which was one of the earliest probable meaning here is, that he would | and most prominent acts of Antiochus, obtain the throne by acts of dissembling, j and into the history of which the prophet and by promises of rewards and offices., goes most into detail. f Yea, also, the Such promises he would probably make prince of the covenant. He also shall be to Eumenes, king of Pergamus, and to j broken and overcome. There has been the Syrian nobles and people who espoused I some diversity of opinion as to who is his cause. It would not be difficult to se- 1 meant by 'the prince of the covenant' cure the aid of multitudes in this way, ' here. Many suppose that it is the high and the character of Antiochus was just [priest of the Jews, as being the chief such as to permit him to use any of these | prince or ruler under the 'covenant' arts to accomplish his ends. Perhaps which God made with them, or among also he might hold out the hope of aid i the 'covenant' people. But this appellafrom tho Romans, with whom he had j tion is not elsewhere given to the Jewish long lived. It was no uncommon thing for j high priest, nor is it such as could with an usurper to make his way by flattering much propriety -be applied to him. The certain classes of a people, and by pro- i reference is rather to the king of Egypt, mises of largesses, of offices, and of the removal of oppressive burdens. Comp. Prideaux, Con. III. 212. See also the case of Absalom in 2 Sam. xv. 1 — 6. 22. And with the arms of a flood. The reference here is to some mighty invasion 133.

with whom a covenant or compact had been made by Antiochus the Great, and who was supposed to be united, therefore, to the Syrians by a solemn treaty. See Lengerke, in loc. So Elliott, Apoc. iv.

There seems to be some confusion of me- great subject of contention between the taphor in the phrase ' the arms of a flood.' j kings of Syria and Egypt was the posses- The idea in the mind of the writer ap- j sion of Coelesj'ria and Palestine. This pears to have been this. He saw an in- they often endeavoured to settle by con- •vasion of some country by hosts of men ' quest, as each of them claimed that in the under the command of Antiochus. This! original partition of the empire of Alexit was not unnatural to compare with an j andria this portion of the empire fell to inundation of waters spreading over a 'himself; and often they endeavoured to land. See Isa. viii. 8. Nor was it alto-! settle it by treaty. Consequently this gether unnatural to speak of an inunda- i region was const.-intly passing from one to tion as having arms extending far and j the other, and was also the seat of fronear; sweeping everything to itself, or quent wars. The 'league' here referred