Works

The Works of John Knox, Volume 2 (of 6)

"MAISTER KNOX,

"Non est masculus neque foemina, omnes enim, ut ait Paulus, unum sumus in Christo Jesu. Benedictus vir qui confidit in Domino; et erit Dominus fiducia ejus.¹

"I have resavit your letteris, at the same tyme that I have thocht to have sein your self about Stampfurd. Quhat is now hitherto the caus of your [lett], I knaw nott. I forbeir to descend to the bottome of thingis, untill I may conferr with such one as ye ar; and, thairfoire, gif your chance shalbe heirefter to cum hither, I wishe you furnissed with good credite, and power to mak good resolutioun. Althocht my answer to the Lordis of Congregatioun be some quhat obscure, yitt upoun farther understanding ye sall find the matter plaine. I neid wishe to you² no more prudence then Goddis grace, quhairof God send you plentie. And so I end. From Oxford, the 28th of Julij 1559.

(Sic subscribitur,) Youris as ane member of the same body in Christ, "W. CECILL."³

Albeit the said Jhone ressaved this letter at Berwyk, yett wald he answer no thing till that he had spokein the Lordis; quhome he fand in Striveling, and unto quhome he delyvered the answer send from the Counsall of England; (for Alexander Quhytlaw tuik seakness betwix Berwyk and Edinburgh, and was troubled be the Lord Seatoun, as in the formar booke is declaired.⁴) The answer send by Maister Cycill, was so generall, that many amanges us war dispaired of ony comforte to come from that countrey; and thairfoire war determined that thei wald requeast no farder. Jhone Knox laboured in the contraire;⁵ but he could prevaill no farther, but that he should have licence and libertie to writt as he thocht best. And so tuik he upoun him to answer for all, in forme as follows:—

ANSWER TO MR. CYCILLIS LETTER.

"Two causes impeded me, Richt Worschipfull, to visite you at any pairt of England. Formar, no significatioun of your mynd and plaisour was maid unto me, for only did Sir Harye Percye⁶ will me to cum and speak him, which, convenientlie at that tyme I could nott do, be reasone that the Frenche men, (which was the Secound cause of my stay,) did then most furiouslie persew us, whill our company was dispersed; and then durst I nott be absent for dyverse inconvenientis. Neather did I think my presence greatlie necessarie with you, considdering that the mater, which I desyred maist, was opened and proponed. To the quhilk I wald have wished that a more plaine and especiall answer should have bein maid. For, albeit Mr. Quhitlaw, by his credite, Mr. Kirkcaldie, by his letter, and I, boyth by letteris, and by that which I had ressaved from Sir James Croftis, did persuade your goode mindis; yitt could not the Counsall be uthairwayis persuaded, but that this alteratioun in France had altered your former purpois. It is nott unknawin what favor we three do beare to England; and, thairfoir, I wishe, that rather your pen then our credite, or ony thing writtin to ony of us, should assuire the Lordis and otheris, of your goode myndis, (who ar bot now in nomber fyve hundreth). Onless that money be fournissed without delay to pay the soldiouris with, for thair servise bypast, and to reteane ane uther thousand footmen, with three hundreth horsmen, till some stay be had in this danger, these gentilmen will be compelled to leave the feildis. I am assured, as fleshe may be of fleshe, that some of thame will tak a verry harde lyve befoir that ever they compone eather with the Quene Regent, eather yitt with France; but this I dar nott promeise of all, onless in you they see a greatter fordwardness. To support us will appeir excessive, and to break promeisse with France, will appeir dangeruss. But the loss of expensses, in my opinioun, aucht nott to be esteamit from the first payment; neather yitt the danger from the first appearance. France is most fervent to conqueise us, and avoweth, that against us thei will spend thair Croune, (so did my awin earis heare Buttencourt brag⁷). But, most assuredlie I knaw, that onless by us thei thocht to mak ane enteress to you, that thei wald nott bye oure povertie at that price. Thei labour to corrupt some of oure great men by money, (and some of oure nomber ar poore, as befoire I wraitt, and can nott serve without supporte); some thei threattin; and against utheris thei have raised up ane partie in thair awin countrey. In this meane tyme, gif ye lye by as neutrallis, quhat wilbe the end, ye may easellie conjecture. And, thairfoire, Sir, in the bowellis of Christ Jesus, I requyre you to mak plaine answer; What the gentillmen heir may lippin to, and quhatt the Quenis Majestie will do, may without long delay be put in executioun. Rest in Christ Jesus. Off Sanct Johnstoun, the &c. day of, &c."⁸

Answere with great expeditioun was returned to this letter, desyring some men of credite to be sent frome the Lordis to Berwyk,⁹ for the receaving of money for the first supporte, with promeise, that gif the Lordis of the Congregatioun meant no utherwyse then befoire thei had writtin, and gif thei wald enter in league with honest conditionis, thei sould neather lack men nor money to thair just caus. Upoun this answer, was directed from the Lordis to Berwik, Maister Henrye Balnaves, a man [of] goode credit in boyth the realmes, who suddenlie returned with such a somme of money as served all the publict effaris till November nixt; when Jhonne Cokburne of Ormistoun send¹⁰ for the second supporte, and receaving the same, unhappelie fell in to handis of the Erlle Bothwell, was wounded, tane, and spoilzed of a great somme.¹¹ Upoun whiche mischance followed all the rest of oure troubles befoire rehersed.

In the Secound Booke preceading, we have declaired how Secretarye Lethingtoun¹² was directed to England: but one thing we have befoire past by. In that, oure greatest dejectioun, this ordour was tackin, That the Duike his Grace, the Erlle of Glencarne, Lord Boyd, Lord Uchiltrie, and thair freindis, should remain togither at Glaskow, for conforte of the countrey, and for geving of answeris, as occasioun should requyre; and that the Erlle of Arrane, the Lord James, the Erlle of Rothess, the Maister of Lyndsay, and thair adherantes, should continew togither within Fyffe, for the same causses, that advertissementis mycht go frome the one to the other, as neid requyred. In the negotiatioun of the Secretary Lethingtoun with the Quene and Counsall of England, (in whiche he travailed with no less wisdome and faithfulnes then happy successe,) mony thingis occurred that requyred the resolutioun of the hole Lordis,¹³ amanges which thair was one quhairof befoir no mentioun is maid.

Efter that the Quene and Counsall of England had concluded to send thair army into Scotland, for expelling of the Frenche, the Duke of Northfolk was sent to Berwyk,¹⁴ with full instructionis, power, and commissioun, to do in all thingis concerning the present effaris of Scotland, as mycht the Quene and Counsellis in thair awin personis¹⁵ do. Heirupoun the said Duke requyred sicke a pairt of the Lordis of Scotland, as had power and commissioun from the whole, to meet him at suche day and place as pleised thame to appoint. This advertissement came first to Glaskow, by the meanis of the Maister of Maxwell. Quhilk redd and considdered by the Lordis, conclusioun was takin, that thei wald meitt at Carleill;¹⁶ and that was the procurement of the said Maister of Maxwell, for his ease. Heirupoune war letteris direct fra the Lordis, lyeing in Glaskow, to Lord James, requyring him, with all possible expeditioun, to repair towardis thame for the purpois foirsaid. Which letteris redd and advised upoun, commandment was gevin to Jhone Knox to mak the answer: For so it was appointed at the devisioun of the Lordis, that he should answer for the pairte of thoise that war in Fyffe; and Maister Henrye Balnaves for the pairte of thame that abaide at Glaskow. The said Jhone answered as followis:—

"TO THE LORD DUKE HIS GRACE, AND THE LORDIS AT GLASKOW.

"AFTER humill commendatioun of my service. Albeit I have writtin ofter then anes to Mr. Henrye Balnaves, what thingis have myslyked me in youre slaw proceideings, alsweill in supporting youre brethrein, quho many dayes have susteined extreame danger in these pairtes, as in making provisioun how the ennemye mycht have bein annoyed,¹⁷ quho lay in few nomber nye to youre quarteris in Striveling; and in making lykewayis provisioun, how the expectatioun of your freindis, quho long have awaited for youre answer, mycht have bein satisfied;—Albeit, (I say,) that of thoise thingis I have befoire complained, yet of verry conscience, I am compelled to signifie unto youre Honoris, that onless of these, and other inormiteis, I sall espye some redress, I am assured that the end shalbe suche as godlie men shall murne, that ane good cause shall perishe for lack of wisdome and diligence. In my last letteris to Mr. Henrye Balnaves, I declared, that youre especiall freindis in England wounder that no gritter expeditioun is maid, the weycht of the mater being considdered. Gif the falt be in the Lord Duke, and his freindis, I wrait also, that the greatest loss should be his and thairs in the end. And now, I can nott cease, boyth to wonder and lament, that youre hoile Counsall was so destitute of wisdome and discretioun as to charge this poore man, the Priour,¹⁸ to come to you to Glaskow, and thairefter to go to Carleill, for suche effearis as ar to be entreated. Was thair none amangis you, quho did foirsee quhat inconvenientis mycht insew his absence frome these partis? I cease to speake of the dangeris in the ennemy. Youre freindis have lyen in the Frith now xv. dayis bypast, (what was thair formar travaill is nott unknawin); thei have never receaved conforte of any man (him only excepted), more then thei had lyen upoun the coast of thair mortall ennemye. Do ye nott considder, that suche a companye sall neide conforte and provisioun from tyme to tyme? Remove him, and quho abydeth that cairfullie will travaill in that or any uther wechty materis in these pairtis? Did ye nott farther considder, that he had begune to meddle with the gentilmen¹⁹ who had declaired thameselfis unfreindis heirtofoir; and also that ordour wald have bein taekin for suche as haif bein neutrall: now, be reassoun of his absence, the one shall escaip without admonitioun, and the other shalbe at thair formare libertie? I am assured that the ennemye sall nott sleip, neather in that nor in uther effairis, to undermynd you and your hoile caus; and especiallie to hurte this pairt of the countrey to revenge thair formare foly. Gif none of these formar causses should have moved you to have considered that such a journay (at suche a tyme,) wes nott meet for him, neather yit for thame that must accompany him; yit discreit men wald have considdered, that the men that have lyen in thair jackes, and travailled thair horse continuallie the space of a moneth, requyreth some longer rest, boyth to thame selfis, but especiallie to thair horsses, (befoire thei had bein charged to suche a journey,) then yitt they have had. The Priour may, for satisfactioun of your unreasonable myndis, interpryse the purposse; but I am assured, he shall nott be able to have sex honnest men in all Fyiff to accompany him: And how that eather standis with youre Honoris, or with his safetie, juge ye youre selfis. But yitt, wonder it is, that ye did nott considder, to quhatt paine and fascherie shall ye putt youre freindis of England, especiallie the Duke of Northfolke, and his Counsall, whome ye shall caus travaile the most wearesoum and fasschous gaitt that is in England. In my opinioun, quhosoever gaif you that counsall eather laicked rycht judgement in thingis to be done, or ellis had too much respect to his awin ease, and too small regaird to the travaill and danger of thair bretherein. A comoun cause requireth a comoun concurrance, and that everie man beare his burdein proportionablie. But prudent and indifferent men espy the contrair in this caus, especiallie of lait dayis; for the weakest ar maist greavouslie charged, and to quhome the mater maist belongeth, and to quhome justlie greatest burthein is dew, ar exempted in a manor boyth from travaill and expensses. To speik the mater plainlie, wyse men do wonder what my Lordis Dukis freindis do meane, that thei ar so slaike and backward in this caus: In uther actionis, thei have bein judged stout and fordward; and in this, whiche is the greatest that ever he or thei had in hand, thei appeir destitut bayth of grace and of courage. I am nott ignorant, that thei that are most inward of his counsall ar ennemyes to God, and thairfoire can nott bot be ennemyes to his cause. But wounder it is, that he and his uther freindis should nott considder, that the tinsale of this godlie interpryse, shalbe the routing of thame and thair posteritie frome this realme. Considdering, my Lordis, that by Goddis providence ye ar joyned with the Dukis Grace in this comoun cause, admonishe him plainlie of the danger to cum: will him to beware of the counsale of those that ar plainlie infected with superstitioun, with pryde, and with vennome of particulare proffeit; whiche gif he do not at your admonitioun, he shall smarte, befoir he beware: and gif ye cease to putt him in mynd of his deutie, it may be that, for youre silence, ye shall drynk some portioun of the plague with him. Tak my plaine speking, as proceeding from him that is nott youre ennemye, being also unceartaine when I shall have occasioun to writt heareafter. God, the Father of oure Lord Jesus Christ, assist you with the spreit of wisdome and fortitude, that to his glorie, and to youre Lordschipis and oure commoun conforte, ye may performe that thing, which godlie wes ones begun. Amen. From Sanctandrois, the vj. of Februare, in haist, 1559.²⁰

(Sic subscribitur,) "Your Lordschipis to command in godliness, "J. K."

Upoun the receatt of this letter, and consultatioun had thairapoun, new conclusioun was tackin: to witt, that thei wald viseit the said Duke of Northfolke at Berwyke,²¹ quhair he was.

Thus far have we digressed fra the style of the Historie, to lett the posteritie that shall follow understand, by quhat instrumentis God wrocht the familiaritie and freindschipe, that after we fand in Ingland. Now we returne to oure formare Historie.

The pairtis of Fyiff sett at fredome frome the bondage of those bloodie wormes, solempned thankis war gevin, in Sanctandrois, unto God for his mychtie delyverance. Schorte after the Erlle of Arrane and Lord James, apprehended the Lardis of Wemes, Seafeald, Balgonye, and Durye,²² and utheris, that assisted the Frenche; but thei war sett schoirtlie at fredome, upoun suche conditionis as thei mynded never to keape: for sick men have neather fayeth nor honnestie. Mr. James Balfoure,²³ who was the greatest practiser, and had drawn the band of the Balfouris, eschaiped. The Ingliss schippis daylie multiplied, till that thei war able to keape the whole Firth: whairatt the Frenche and Quene Regent, enraged, begane to executt their tirranye upoun the pairtes of Lowthiane that lay neye to Edinburgh. Lett Mr. David Borthwick²⁴ witnesse quhat favoris²⁵ his wyffe and place of Adenstoun²⁶ fand of the Frenche, for all the service that he had maid to the Quene Regent.

In the middest of Februarie war directed to England, frome the Dukis Grace and the Congregatioun, the Lord James, Lord Ruthven, the Maister of Maxweill, the Maister of Lyndsay, Maister Henrye Balnaves, and the Laird of Pittarrow; who, with thair honnest cumpanyeis and commissioun, departed by sea, all, except the Maister of Maxwell, to Berwick, whair thair mett thame the Duke of Northfolke, lievetennent to the Quenis Majestie of England, and with him a great company of the gentillmen of the north, with some also of the south, having full power to contract with the nobillitie of Scotland, as that thei did, upoun suche conditionis as in the same Contract are specified. And becaus we have hard the malicious tounges of wicked men mak false reporte of that our fact, we have faithfullie and trewlie inserted in this oure Historie the said Contract, alsweill thatt whiche was maid at Leyth, during the seige, as that whiche first was maid at Berwick, that the memorie thereof may byde to our posteritie; to the end that thei may judge with indifference, whither that we have doun ony thing prejudiciall to our comoun wealth, or yitt contrarius unto that debtfull obedience whiche trew subjects aw to thair supperiouris whose authoritie aucht to deffend and mainteine the libertie and fredome of the Realmes committed to thair charge; and nott to oppress and betray the same to strangearis. The tennour of oure Contract followis:—

Notes

That is, "There is neither male nor female, for as saith Paul, they are all one in Christ Jesus. (Galat. iii. 28.) Blessed is the man who trusteth in the Lord; and the Lord will be his confidence." ↩
In MS. 1566, "need you writ." ↩
In MS. 1566, "M. Cecill;" and this mistake is followed in all the copies. ↩
Dr. M'Crie says, Knox, "at this time, prudently returned by sea to Fife:" the above statement, I think, clearly shows, he must have returned by land. He set out from Berwick, in company with Whytelaw, on the 3d of August, but the latter being detained on the road by sickness, Knox proceeded, without delay, and reached Stirling on or before the 6th of August, on which day he addressed letters to Sir James Crofts: see Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. pp. 127, 130. Soon afterwards, Whytelaw having recovered, and set out on his journey, along with William Knox, when between Preston and Edinburgh, they were pursued by Lord Seaton, and narrowly escaped: see vol. i. p. 393. ↩
The result of Knox's previous communications was very important, having led to the resolution of the English Council to support the Protestants in Scotland in their contest with the Queen Regent, but with so much secrecy as might not infringe the treaty of peace between the two kingdoms. For this purpose a commission was granted on the 8th of August to Sir Ralph Sadler, in conjunction with the Earl of Northumberland and Sir James Crofts, to reside at Berwick, ostensibly to settle some Border disputes, and to strengthen the fortifications of that city; and the sum of £3000 was placed at Sadler's disposal. A similar sum was paid to him on the 5th of October; and a third payment in November. It was part of this money that was sent to Scotland with Balnaves, and with Cockburn of Ormiston. (See Letter of Queen Elizabeth to Sadler, in Sir H. Ellis's Original Letters, 3d Series, vol. iii. p. 332.)—Sadler's Correspondence, extending from August 1559 to April 1560, (included in his "State Papers and Letters," Edinb. 1809, 2 vols. 4to,) furnish copious and most important materials for illustrating the negotiations and proceedings at this time. ↩
"Sir Henry Percy, second son of Sir Thomas Percy, who was executed in 1537, on account of Aske's rebellion, and brother of Thomas seventh Earl of Northumberland. Having remained attached to the Queen, and even taken arms against the insurgents, in the great northern rebellion, headed by his brother and Westmoreland, he escaped one great peril, and succeeded to the family titles and domains upon his brother's execution, in 1572. But having engaged in Lord Paget's enterprise for setting Queen Mary at liberty, and being imprisoned, he shot himself through the heart to prevent the attainder and forfeiture which must have attended a conviction for treason."—(Note by Sir Walter Scott, in Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 409.) ↩
In Vautr. edit. this name occurs as two words, "Butteau Court;" in MS. G, "Buttincourt." The person referred to, the Sieur de Béthencourt, is already mentioned in a note to vol. i. p. 384. Sir N. Throkmorton, in his correspondence from Paris, notices that on "the 11th of this present, (i. e. the month of June) there arrived here in post out of Scotlande, one Butomcourt, a Frenchman, Maister d'hostel to the Quene Dowagier there, &c." (Forbes's State Papers, vol. i. p. 130.) On the 21st June, he is called "Betoncourt, the Scotishe Quenis Master d'hostel," (ib. p. 141); again, on the 29th July, "Butomcourt, which I thinke passed through to England, had in charge to will the Quene Douagier of Scotland to conforme herself to the Scotts procedings in religion, and to dissemble with them; supposing that to be the best meane to worke theyr purposes." (Ib. p. 183.) And on the 8th August, he further says, there was "sent by Botuncourt, at his last dispetche, diverse blankes to the Quene Dowager, signed by the French King and Queen." (Ib. 193.) His arrival in Scotland, with these letters, is noticed by Knox: see vol. i. p. 384. ↩
This date is left blank in the various copies of Knox's History. But the above is neither a full or accurate copy of the letter, of which Mr. Tytler has given an extract from the original in the State Paper Office.—(Hist. vol. vi. pp. 136, 386.) It is dated not from St. Johnstone (or Perth,) but from "St. Andrews, 15th August 1559;" and will afterwards be given entire. ↩
In Sadler's State Papers, (vol. i. p. 401), there is a letter, dated 20th August 1559, addressed by Sir James Crofts to Knox, mentioning that Sadler and himself were desirous "to have som conference eyther with Mr. Henry Balnaves, or som other discrete and trusty man, for the better expedicion of this grete and weightie busyness, which you have in hande;" and suggesting, that he should come by sea to Holy Island, and afterwards to be conveyed in secret manner to Berwick. On the same day, Sadler and Crofts wrote to Cecil, representing that some aid should be granted, along with the sum of 2000 or 3000 crowns, to relieve the Protestant party in Scotland in their present necessities: see page 35, note 2. ↩
In MS. G, "being sent;" in Vautr. edit., "sent." ↩
The sum of £1000 sterling, on the last of October: see note in vol. i. p. 455. ↩
William Maitland, see supra, p. 4, note 2. ↩
In MS. 1566, "holye;" in MS. G. "haill." ↩
The Queen's letter to Sadler, intimating the appointment of the Duke of Norfolk as Lord Lieutenant in the Northern Counties, is dated the last of December 1559. He arrived at Newcastle on the 6th or 7th of January. The whole of his correspondence with the Privy Council of England, while he exercised that office, has been printed in Haynes's Collection of Original State Papers, from the Cecil or Burghley Papers. (Lond. 1740, folio.) Sir Ralph Sadler has also preserved several other letters of a less public nature: see note by Sir Walter Scott, in Sadler, vol. i. p. 718. ↩
In MS. G, "thair awin proper persons." ↩
The town of Carlisle. ↩
In the MS. of 1566, "anoyned;" MS. G. has "anoyit." ↩
Lord James Stewart, Prior of St. Andrews: see vol. i. p. 249, note 5. ↩
See notes to pages 7 and 43-4. ↩
That is 1559-60. In MS. G. and Vautr. edit. this letter is dated "the 6th of Februare in haist." In the former it is signed, "Your Grace's, &c.—JOHNE KNOX." The MS. 1566, makes it "the 5th of Februarie, in Christ." ↩
Thomas Randall wrote to Sadler from Glasgow, on the 10th February 1559-60, mentioning that the Lords of the Congregation had come to that town to consult; and that Lord James, Lord Ruthven, the Master of Maxwell, Wishart of Pittarrow, and Henry Balnaves, had been appointed by the whole Council to meet with the Duke of Norfolk at Berwick, on the 23d of that month. (State Papers, vol. i. p. 704.) ↩
In MS. G, "Balgone, Durie;" in MS. 1566, "Bawgane, Druye."—Supra page 7, Knox alluding to the ravages committed by the French on the coast of Fife, in the beginning of 1560, says, they did not spare even their own friends, the Lairds of Senfield, Wemyss, Balmuto, and Balweary. In reference to the statement in the text, Sir Ralph Sadler, in a letter dated 4th February 1559-60, says, "In Fife, all suche gentlemen as were of any power or creditt, that tooke ony parte with the Franches, as the Lorde of Wymes, the Lorde Bawerye, Syfeld, Bagonye, and other, have promised their fidelitie, and given pledgis never to stand against the Congregation. This hath bene the Lord James's action since the Franches cam their way." (State Papers, vol. i. p. 701.) ↩
Afterwards Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich: see notes, vol. i. pp. 202, 235. ↩
Mr. David Borthwick of Lochill was appointed Lord Advocate, and one of the Judges in the Court of Session, on 20th October 1573. He was educated at St. Andrews. His name occurs among the Determinants, in St. Leonard's College, in 1525. He probably spent some time on the Continent; and passed Advocate, 1st March 1549. He was twice married; Marion Blyth, his first wife, died 24th March 1570, (Register of Confirmed Testaments.) His second wife, Margaret Guthrie, having survived him, married Mr. John Lindesay, second son of Sir David Lindesay of Edzell, and Parson of Menmuir. According to Scot of Scotstarvet, Borthwick had acquired "many lands in Lothian and Fife, as Balnacreiff, Admiston, Balcarras, and others; but having infest his son, Sir James, therein in his own time, he rested never till he had sold all." Borthwick died in January 1581. ↩
In the MS. 1566, incorrectly written "Borwick," and "that favoris." ↩
In MS. G, "Audistoun." The property of Addiston is in the parish of Ratho. It now belongs to the Earl of Morton; but the old house, situated on an elevated terrace, was pulled down a few years ago. ↩