Additional Note on xiii. 10. On the history of the word thusiasterion.
The word Thusiasterion is found first in the lxx. From the lxx. it passed into the vocabulary of Philo, of the N.T., and of Christian writers. It is not quoted from classical authors, who have (though rarely) the corresponding form thuterion: Arat. Phoen. 402 &c. [ara Cic.]; Hyginus, xxxix.; comp. Eurip. Iph. Taur. 243; Hesych. Suid. thuteriois. thumiateriois.
The word is an adjectival form derived from thusiazo (lxx. Ex. xxii. 20, &c,) like thumiaterion, perirranterion, hilasterion, charisterion &c., and, expressing generally 'that which is connected with the act of sacrifice,' it is used specially in a local sense to describe 'the place of sacrifice' (compare deipneterion, hormeterion, phulakterion).
The usage of the word in the lxx. is of considerable interest. It is the habitual rendering of Hebrew, as applied to the altar of the true God, from Gen. viii. 20 onwards, in all the groups of books (more than 300 times). It occurs once as a variant for hilasterion (Hebrew) in Lev. xvi. 14; once again as a rendering of Hebrew in 2 Chron. xiv. 5; and once in a clause which varies widely from the Hebrew text (Ex. xxvii. 3; comp. xxxviii. 3).
On the other hand Hebrew is rendered also by bomos (more than twenty times), and once by stele, 2 Chron. xxxiii. 3 (Thusiasterion Compl.). There is however a general difference of usage between thusiasterion and bomos. thusiasterion is characteristically the altar of God, and bomos the altar of idolatrous or false worship. Thus bomos is used of idol altars, Ex. xxxiv. 13 (ara); Deut. vii. 5 (ara); Is. xvii. 8 (altare), &c., and in the Apocrypha, 1 Macc. i. 54, 59; ii. 23; 2 Macc. x. 2. It is used also of the altar of Balaam, Num. xxiii. 1 ff., and of the altar of the Reubenites, Josh. xxii. 10 ff. (contrast vv. 28 f. thusiasterion, and in v. 19 bomos and Thusiasterion are opposed). In accordance with this usage it is found seven times as a rendering of Eebrew (high place). It is never used, I believe, of the altar of God in the translation of the Books of the Hebrew Canon. In some of the later Books it is so used: Ecclus. i. 12, 14; 2 Macc. ii. 19; xiii. 8 (not x. 2); but 1 Macc., follows the earlier precedent (1 Macc. i. 47, 59; ii. 23 ff. 45; v. 68).
It must, however, be added that Thusiasterion is not unfrequently used of idol altars: Jud. ii. 2; vi. 25, 28, 31 f.; 1 K. xvl. 32; xviii. 26; 2 K. xi. 18; xxl. 5; xxiii. 12; Ezek. vi. 4 ff.; Hos. x. 1, &c.
As a general rule, but by no means uniformly, bomos was represented in the Old Latin by ara and Thusiasterion by altare, and traces of the distinction remain in the Vulgate1.
The exact relation of bomos to thusiasterion in 1 Macc. i. 59 (comp. Jos. Antt. xii. 5, 4), Ecclus. i. 11 f. is not easy to determine. Perhaps thusiasterion is (see below) the altar-court.
In the Gospels and Epistles of the N. T. thusiasterion is used of
(1) The brazen altar of burnt-offering,
Matt v. 23 f. (altare).
___ xxiii. 35 &c. (altare).
(2) The golden altar of incense,
Luke i. 11, to thusiasterion tou thumiamatos.
(3) And generally of the altar
(a) for the worship of Jehovah: James ii. 21 (O. L. and Vulg. altare); Rom. xi. 3 (lxx.) (altare).
(b) for the Levitical service: 1 Cor. ix. 13 (O. L. altarium, Vulg. altare); x. 18 (altare)2.
In the Apocalypse it is used, according to the general interpretation, of
(1) The altar of sacrifice: vi. 9 (O. L. ara, Vulg. altare); viii. 3 a (O. L altarium, Vulg. altare), which proclaims the justice of God's judgments: xvi. 7 (Vulg. altare).
(2) The golden altar which is before the throne, vlii. 3 b (O. L. ara, Vulg. altare), 5; before God, ix. 13 (O. L ara, Vulg. altare).
(3) The place of the altar (the altar-court): xi. 1 (O. L. ara, Vulg. altare). Compare xiv. 17 f.; and see also Clem. xii. with Bp Lightfoot's note3.
Philo appears to use bomos commonly of the altar of God (de vict. off. § 4. ii. 253 M.: prostaxas duo kataskeuasthenai bomous), but he recognises thusiasterion as the characteristic name of the altar of sacrifice: de vit. Mos. iii. § 10 (ii. 151 M.) ton en hupaithro bomon eiothe kalein thusiasterion: and elsewhere he speaks of this as 'a peculiar and special name': de vict. off. § 6 (ii. 255 M.) kekleke thusiasterion, idion kai exaireton onoma athemenos auto para to diaterein hos heoike tas thusias. It is consonant with his manner of thought that he should regard 'the thankful soul' as the thusiasterion of God (de vict. offer. § 5; ii. 255 M.) tou theou thusiasterion estin e tou sophou psuche, pageisa ek teleion arithuon atmeton kai adiaireton.
Temple with its two altars, and not rather a foreshadowing of the arrangements of the Christian Basilican Churoh with its single altar, and sanctuary, and nave and narthex. It is indeed difficult to agree with Mr G. G. Soott in thinking that the picture is directly drawn from any existing Christian building, but the general view which he gives of its agreement with Christian as distinguished from Jewish ritual deserves careful consideration: Essay on English Church Architecture, pp. 27 ff.
Josephus does not seem to make any distinction between the two words. He speaks of the altar of burnt-offering (Antt. iii. 6, 8), and of the golden altar (xii. 5, 4), no less than of the altar of Balaam (iv. 6, 4) by the name bomos. And again he calls the altar of burnt-offering thusiasterion (Antt. viii. 3, 7).
The early Christian writers follow the custom of the lxx. Clement (l ad Cor. 32 hoi leitourgountes to thusiasterio tou theou) uses thusiasterion as the general term for the divine altar, and perhaps, though this seems to be uncertain, for 'the court of the altar' (c. 41 ou pantachou prospherontai thusiai...all' emprosthen tou naou pros to thusiasterion...Lightfoot ad loc.). On the other hand he calls the altar of the Sun bomos (c. 25).
Barnabas uses thusiasterion for the altar of Abraham's sacrifice on Moriah (vii. 3), and for the Levitical altar (vii. 9). The Latin rendering ad aram illius (i 7), which suggests to bomo autou, for 'the altar of God,' cannot be maintained against the reading of both the Greek @Mss. to phobo autou.
The usage of thusiasterion in the Epistles of Ignatius is very remarkable. In one place it occurs by a natural image for the arena in which Ignatius expected to die (ad Rom. 2 pleon moi me paraschesthi tou spon disthenai theo, hos eti thusiasterion etoimon estin). In three other passages the word expresses that which represents the unity of the Christian Society.
Eph. 5. Medeis planastho. ean me tis e entos tou thusiasteriou hustereita itai tou artou [tou theou]. ei gar henos kai deuterou proseuche tosautne ischun echei, poso mallon he te tou episkopou kai pases tes ekklesias.
Here the thusiasterion—the place of sacrifice—is evidently the place of assembly of the spiritual Israel, where the faithful meet God in worship, like the altar-court of the old Temple, the court of the congregation. He who has no place within this sacred precinct is necessarily excluded from the privileges which belong to the Divine Society. He is not a member of the Body of Christ, and therefore cannot share in the sacrifices which are offered there, the common prayer of the Church, or in 'the bread of God' which is given to believers (comp. Bp Lightfoot ad loc.).
The same general thought is expressed in a second passage:
Trall. 7. ho entos thusiasteriou hon katharos estin. ho de ektos thusiasteriou hon ou katharos estin. toutestin, ho choris episkopou kai presbuteriou kai diakonon prasson ti, houtos ou katharos estin te suneidesei.
The idea of the Christian thusiasterion is here more exactly defined. To be included in the holy precinct, is to be in fellowship with the lawfully organised society.
In a third passage the thought is different and yet closely connected:
Magn. 7. pantes oun hos eis hena naon suntrechete theou (Ltft. conj. theon), hos epi en thusiasterion epi ena Iesoun Christon, ton aph' henos patros proelthonta kai eis hena honta kai choresanta.
Here the Father is Himself the Sanctuary, and Christ the means through Whom and in Whom we have access to the Father. He is Himself the living source of unity, just as the altar-court was the symbol of unity for the people of God. To be 'in Him' is to be within the thusiasterion.
These passages serve to determine the meaning of the word in the last place in which it occurs:
Philad. 4. spoudasate ouv mia eucharistia chresthai. mia gar sarx tou Kuriou hemon Iesou Christou, kai en poterion eis enosin tou haimatos autou. en thusiasterion, hos eis episkopos, hama to presbuterio kai diakonois tois sundoulois mou. hina ho eav prassete, kata theon prassete.
There is one organised congregation, which is the Body of Christ, in which the blessings of communion with God are realised.
In the Epistle of Polycarp the image of the 'altar' finds still another application in the narrower sense. Just as Christ Himself can be spoken of as the thusiasterion and the whole Christian body which is 'in Him,' so also a part of the Body may receive the name.
Philipp. 4. didaxomen...tas cheras...ginoskousas hoti eisi thusiasterion theou, kai hoti panta momoskopeitai, kai lelethen auton oudev....
The widows are an altar in a double sense, both because on them the alms of the faithful are offered to God, and also because they themselves offer to God sacrifices of service and prayer (comp. Const. Apost. ii. 26; iii. 6; 14; iv. 3). The last passage is instructive: ho de helikian...he teknon polutrophian lambanon, ho toioutos ou monon ou memphthesetai alla kai epainethesetai. thusiasterion gar to theo lelogismenos hupo tou theou timethesetai.... ouk argos lambanon alla tes doseos autou, hose dunamis, ton misthon didous dia tes proseuches4.
Hermas uses thusiasterion twice in a purely spiritual sense. For him the altar is, after the imagery of the Apocalypse, that whereon the offerings of men are placed that they may be brought before God.
Mand. x. 3, 2 f. luperou andros he enteuxis ouk echei dunamin tou anabenai epi to thusiasterion tou theou.
Whatever sacrifice man makes must be made with joy.
Sim. viii. 2, 5. ean de tis se parelthe, ego autous epi to thusiasterion dokimaso.
So the angel speaks to the Shepherd. If a penitent passes human scrutiny unworthily, a severer trial awaits him. The angel himself will test him (comp. momoskopeisthai Clem. i. 41; Polyc. 4 quoted above) before he is laid on the altar of God.
In this first stage of Christian literature there is not only no example of the application of the word thusiasterion to any concrete, material, object, as the Holy Table, but there is no room for such an application. As applied to the New Order the word expresses the spiritual correlatives of the altar and altar-court of the Old Order. Two of these in which it was referred to Christians and to Christ Himself continued current in later times.
Thus Clement of Alexandria speaks of 'our altar here, our altar on earth' as being the assembly of those devoted to prayer: esti goun to par' hemin thusiasterion evtautha to epigeion to athroisma ton tais euchais anakeimenon mian hosper echon phonen ten kainen kai mian gnomen (Strom. vii. § 31, p. 848).
And in the following section he extends the image to the single soul, using, however, the word bomos....bomon alethos hagion ten dikaian psuchen kai to ap' autes thumiama ten hosian euchen legousin hemin apistesousin (id. § 32; comp. Philo de vict. offer. § 5 quoted above).
So Origen, in reply to the charge that Christians bomous kai agalmata kai neos hidrusthai pheugein, answers that 'the sovereign principle of the righteous is an altar': bomoi men eisin hemin to hekastou ton dikaion hegemonikon, aph' ou anapempetai alethos kai noetos euode thumiamata, hai proseuchai apo sthneideseos katharas (c. Cels. viii. 17); and Methodius speaks of the social interpretation of the word as traditional: thusiasterion anaimakton eivai paredothe to athroisma ton hagnon (Symp. n. 6).
Chrysostom uses the image somewhat differently, and speaks of the Christian poor as 'the living altar' on which the alms of the faithful are offered. Such offerings are not consumed like the burnt sacrifices but pass into 'praise and thanksgiving': ekaino men gar apsuchon to thusiasterion touto de empsuchon. kakei men to epikeimenon hapan tou puros ginetai dapane kai teleuta eis konin...entautha de ouden toiouton all' heterous pherei tous karpous...horas eis eucharistian analuomenen auten (ten leitourgian 2 Cor. ix. 12 ff.) kai ainon tou theou...thuomen toinun, agapetoi, thuomen eis tauta ta thusiasteria kath' hekasten hemeran (Hom. xiii. in Joh. § 4: Migne, P. G. lix. 90).
Cyril of Alexandria again speaks of Christians as 'living stones,' who are framed together into an altar as well as into a temple: auden hetton esmen kai hoionei ti thusiasterion, sunagegermenoi men kath' henosin te pneumatiken kai ten en Christo pistin euodiazontes, proskomizontes di' autu to theo kai patri kathaper en taxei tpon euosmotaton thumiamaton ta ex areton auchemata (Glaph. in Deut. p. 427; P. G. lxix. p. 668). So the altar which Moses erected at the making of the Covenant (Ex. xxiv. 4 f.) was a type of the Church of Christ: to men oun thusiasterion tupos an eie kai mala saphos tes ekklesias tou Christou, tes ohionei pos epi to horos keimenes (Glaph. in Ex. iii. p. 330 P. G. id. 517).
Not Christians only, however, but Christ Himself is spoken of as an altar by later Fathers. Cyril of Alexandria uses the phrase several times. Thus, in commenting on the command to make an altar of earth (Ex. xx. 24 f.), he says: geinon onomazei thusiasterion ton Emmanouel, gegone gar sarx ho logos. ge de ek ges he sarkos esti phusis. en Christo de oun he pasa pasa karpophoria kai pasa prosagoge, phesi gar autos Choris emou ou dunasthe poiein ouden...epangelletai de tois to ek ges histasi thusiasterion aphixin te kai eulogian, Exo gar, phesi, pros se kai eulogeso se (de ador. in sp. et ver. ix. p. 290: P. G. lxviii. 592). In another place of the same treatise he speaks of Christ as being the altar of incense and the incense itself: memnesometha de kai to thusiasterion to chrusoun kai auto de to suntheton kai lepton thumiama Christon eirekotes kai auton hemin ton Emmanouel de' amphoin semainesthai (id. ix. p. 324: P. G. lxviii. 648; comp. x. p. 335: P. G. id. p. 664).
Epiphanius, in a striking passage, points to Christ as fulfilling in Himself all the elements of a perfect sacrifice: menes...ten entelesteran zosan [thusian] huper pantos kosmou hierourgesas, autos hiereion, autos thuma, autos hiereus, autos thusiasterion, autos theos, autos anthropos, autos basileus, autos archiereus, autos probaton, autos arnion ta panta en pasin huper hemon genomenos....(Haer. iv. 4)5.
verbis cum sono prolatis...orationem fundit ad Deum, hic spiritu orat, et offerre videtur hostiam in altare quod foris est ad holocaustomata populi eonstitutum (Hom. x. in Num. § 3).
In Irenaeus there appears to be a transition from the spiritual sense of thusiasterion to that of an earthly Christian altar. Such a use of the word followed naturally from the habitual thought of material offerings. Thus, in a passage preserved only in the Latin translation, after dwelling on the material offerings in the Eucharist, he adds, ideo nos quoque offerre vult [Verbum Dei] munus ad altare frequenter sine intermissione. Est ergo altare in caelis (illuc enim preces nostrae et oblationes diriguntur) et templum, quemadmodum Ioannes in Apocalypsi, xi. 19; xxi. 3 (adv. haer. iv. 18, 6). The words are obscure, but the heavenly altar seems to be made to correspond with an earthly altar. In the first clause munus is material and it appears that altare must correspond with it. The heavenly counterpart answers to the spiritual element in prayers and oblations.
Tertullian repeats the figure of Polycarp (see p. 456), and, arguing against the second marriage of widows, says: aram enim Dei mundam proponi oportet (ad ux. i. 7). But in another place he uses the word ara in connexion with the Eucharist: Ergo devotum Deo obsequium Eucharistia resolvit an magis Deo obligat? Nonne solemnior erit statio tua si et ad aram Dei steteris? (de orat. 14)6.
The writings of Cyprian mark a new stage in the development of ecclesiastical thought and language. In them the phraseology of the Levitical law is transferred to Christian institutions. The correspondence between the Old system and the New is no longer generally that of the external and material to the inward and spiritual, but of one outward order to another. Thus he writes: oportet enim sacerdotes et ministros qui altari et sacrificiis deserviunt integros atque immaculatos esse, cum Dominus Deus in Levitico loquatur et dicat: homo in quo fuerit macula et vitium non accedit offerre dona Deo (Lev. xxi. 21); item in Exodo haec eadem praecipiat et dicat: et sacerdotes qui accedunt ad Dominum Deum sanctificentur ne forte derelinquat illos Dominus (Ex. xix. 22); et iterum: et cum accedunt ministrare ad altare eancti, non adducent in se delictum ne moriantur (Ex. xxviii. 43) (Ep. lxxii. 2). As a necessary consequence the Christian minister is said to serve at a material 'altar,' which becomes the habitual name for the Holy Table, Ep. lxix. (lxxvi.) 1 falsa altaria, et illicita sacerdotia, et sacrificia sacrilega; comp. Ep. xliii. (xl.) 5; xlv. (xlii.) 2; de eccles. unit. 177.
From this time there can be no doubt that the names thusiasterion and altare were applied habitually though not exclusively to the Holy Table. The custom had grown up from intelligible causes. No conclusion to the contrary can be drawn from the common statements of the Apologists, that Christians had no shrines or altars (Orig. c. Cels. viii.; Minuc. Fel. Oct. xxxii.; Arnob. adv. gentes, vi. 1). Their language in its context shews that they had before them all the associations of the heathen ritual. In a similar sense Julian accused the Christians of neglecting to sacrifice in spite of the injunctions of the Law, at a time when beyond all question sacrificial language was everywhere current among them (Cyril Alex. adv. Jul. ix.; P. G. lxxvi. 970 ff.).
We read of altars as soon as we read in detail of churches. Eusebius, in his description of the great Church at Tyre, mentions especially to ton hagion hagiov thusiasterion as placed in the middle of the sanctuary (H. E. x. 4, 43). Elsewhere, speaking of the abolition of heathen worship, he says epi tes kath' holes anthropon oioumenes thusiasteria suneste ekklesion te aphieromata, noeron te kai logikon thusion hieroprereis leitourgias (de laud. Const. xvl). See also Can. Apost. 3 ei tis episkopos...prosenenke hetera tina epi to thusiasterion he mele he gala...(comp. Conc. Carthag. iii. can. 24). Cyr. Hier. Cat. xxiii. (Myst. v.) § 2 heorakate toinun ton diakonon ton nipsasthai didonta to hierei kai tois kuklousi to thusiasterion tou theou presbuterois. Chrys. c. Jud. et Gent. § 12: P. G. xlviii. 830 hai bretannikai nesoi...tes dunameos tou rhematos esthonto. kai gar kakei ekklesiai kai thusiasteria pepegasi. And Chrysostom points to the old distinction between thusiasterion and bomos in a passage in which the spiritual and material are strangely mixed: ei aimatos epithumeis, phesi (in 1 Cor. x. 16), me ton ton eidolon bomon to ton alogon phonps alla to thusiasterion to imon tps imps phoinissps aimati (Hom. xxiv. in 1 Cor. § 1: P. G. lxi. 200). Synesius, as is not unnatural, uses the two words convertibly: kuklosomai to thusiasterion...ou men ho ge theos periopsetai ton bomon ton anaimakton hiereos haimati miainomenon (Catast. r. 303: R.G. lxvi. 1572 f.).
Gregory of Nyssa places thusiasterion in an interesting connexion with trapeza: to thusiasterion touto to hagion ho parastekamen phusin koinos...epeide de katheirothe te tou theou therapeia...esti trapeza hagia, thusiasterion achranton, ouketi para panton pselaphomenon...(in Bapt. Christi, P. G. xlvi. p. 581).
It was seen that in regard to the Jewish Temple thusiasterion was used not only for the altar itself, but also for the altar-court. A corresponding application of the word in the larger sense was made in Christian Churches. The Sanctuary itself (Bema, Agiasma, Euseb. E. E. vii. 15) was called thusiasterion as well as the Holy Table. Thus Procopius speaking of the Church of Sancta Sophia writes: ho tou hiepou ta malista choros abebelos kai monois hiereusi batos, onper kalousi thusiasterion, litron argurou muriadas epipheretai tettaras (de Sancta Soph., Migne, P. G. lxxxvii. 3, p. 2336 c.). The sense occurs in earlier writings: Conc. Laod., Can. xix. monois hexon einai tois hieratikois eisienai eis to thusiasterion kai koinonein. xliv. hoti ou dei gunaikas en to thusiasterio eiserchesthai. Socr. E. E. i. 37 (comp. Soz. ii. 39) [Alexandros] en te ekklesia he eponumon Heirene monon heauton katakleiston poiesas kai eis to thusiasterion eiselthon hupi ten hieran trapezan heauton epi stoma ekteinas euchetai dakruon. And the word is so used still in the Greek Church (Leo Allatius, de rec. Gr. templ. p. 153). In rare cases altarium is also found in the sense of the altar-place, the Sanctuary: Hieron. Ep. lxix. (ad Ocean.) § 9, Heri catechumenus, hodie pontifex: heri in amphitheatro, hodie in ecclesia: vespere in circo, mane in altario. Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc. ii. 14 Eabet (the original church of St Martin at Tours) fenestras in altario triginta duas, in capso [the nave] viginti, columnas quadraginta unam.
In the Greek Liturgies, as might have been expected, the word thusiasterion is used in different meanings. It will be enough to take illustrations from the Liturgy of St James (Swainson, pp. 213—332). Commonly the word is used for the Holy Table (pp. 216, 222—6, 246, 254—6, 260—2, 282—8). In one place it occurs in a rubric as a various reading for trapeza (p. 238, Rot. Mess. en to thusiasterio Cod. Rossan. ev te hagia trapeze comp. pp. 318, 319). In two rubrics it is used for the Sanctuary (p. 222 apo ton thuron tes ekklesias eos tou thusiasteriou, r. 223 meta to eiselthein eis to thusiasterion, Cod. Par. 2509). Elsewhere it is used for the heavenly, spiritual, altar (p. 229 analephtheto...eis to hayiov kai huperouranion sou thusiasterion, eis osmen euodias...p. 260 eis to hagion kai huperouranion kai noerov sou thusiasterion, eis osmen euodias...r. 304 eis to hagion kai huperouranion, noeron kai pneumatikon autou thusiasterion, eis osmen euodias8). Once, it may be added, he trapeza is used for the heavenly food upon it: p. 322...kataxiosas hemas metaschein tes eouraniou trapezes.
The Liturgies bring out plainly the parallel use of thusiasterion and trapeza. The earlier word trapeza still held its place, and with it the thought of a divine feast to which it bore witness. Early writers found the foreshadowing of the heavenly table in Prov. ix. 1 ff. (Cypr. Testim. ii. 2; Ep. lxiii. 5; comp. the spurious Disp. c. Ar. § 17, printed in the works of Athanasius). Sometimes this Holy Table was made at an early date of wood (Athan. Hist. Ar. ad Mon. § 56 arpasantes ta sumpsellia [subsellia] kai ton thronon kai ten trapezan, xuline gar en, kai ta bela [vela] tes ekklesias...ekausan), but afterwards it was of stone (Greg. Nyss. in Bapt. Chr., P. G. xlvi. p. 581 to thusiasterion touto...lithos esti kata ten phusin koinos...epeide de kathierothe te tou teou therapeia...esti trapeza hagia, thusiasterion achranton... The words are translated by Nicholas I., Er. ii.; comp. Sozom. H. E. ix. 2 to epithema tes thekes hosper eis hieran exeskeito trapezan). Basil appears to use the two words thusiasterion and trapeza as interchangeable (Ep. ccxxvi. 2; P. G. xxxii. 485 ei orthudoxos nun basileides ho koinonikos Ekdikiou, dia ti...ta thusiasteria ekeinou...katestrephon kai heauton trapezas etithesan;) for it is difficult to see any contrast between them as they are used. Comp. Cyr. Hier. Cat. xxii. (Myst. iv.) § 7. The corresponding word mensa is common in Latin writers (see e.g. Index to Augustine); and it came to be used as a technical term for the altar-slab (tabula)9.
dicitur, super altare adaptatur, per quam perfectionem et soliditatem notitiae Dei possumus intelligere, quae non propter duritiam sed propter soliditatem fidei lapidea esse debet. Alex. iii. quoted by Durandus, Rationale, i. 7, 25. The chapters of Durandus on the Altar (c. 2) and the consecration of the Altar (c. 7) give a most interesting summary of mediaeval thought upon the ideas of the Altar.
The history of the word offers an instructive illustration of the way in which spiritual thoughts connected with material imagery clothe themselves in material forms, till at last the material form dominates the thought. The three notes of the three chief Greek Commentators who expound the passage shew the action of this natural influence.
Chrysostom. ouch oia ta Ioudaika, phesi, toiauta ta par' hemin, hos mede archierei themis einai metechein auton. host? epeide eipe Me paratereisthe, edokei de touto kataballontos einai ta idia, palin auto peristrephei. Me gar kai hemeis ou parateroumen; phesi, kai parateroumen kai sphodroteron, oude autois tois hiereusi metadidontes auton.
Oecumenius. epeide eipen hoti ou chre paratereisthai bromata.,.phesi, Me gar kai hemeis ouk echomen paratereseis; all' ou bromaton, alla tou thusiasteriou hemon. ton gar ekei keimenon oude autois tois archiereusin exesti metaschein. Then he adds shortly afterwards: touto de oun to haima [to tou Christou] dia tou par' hemin archiereos eispheretai eis to par' hemin thusiasterion, where the thusiasterion in the Christian order is made parallel with ta hagia in the Jewish order.
Theophylact.@ kai hemeis hechomen parateresin, all' ouk epi bromasi toioutois all' epi to thusiasterio etoi te anaimakto thusia tou zoopoiou somatos, tautes gar oude tois nomikois archiereusi metalabein exestin eos an latreuosi te skene, toutesti tois nomikois tupois...ho Christos, huper ton hamartion tou kosmou pathon, to men haima autou eis ta hagia eisekomise to patri hos archiereus...anamnesin oun tes thusias ekeines telountes hoi par' hemin archiereis to haima tou Kuriou eis ta par' hemin hagia kai eis to thusiasterion eiskomizousin hos eis ouranon.
*Additional Note on* xiii. 10.
Additional Note on xiii. 10.
The main thoughts of the verse can be presented clearly in the following propositions.
(1). A sacrifice (according to the Levitical usage) may be regarded generally under two distinct aspects: as something offered to God and as something, by divine appointment, partaken of, enjoyed by man. Christ, as the perfect sacrifice for the whole world, offered Himself once for all to God, and, as He offered Himself, so He gives Himself to us, His flesh and blood, and this gift, in respect of its source, comes to us from the Cross on which the offering was made. Comp. Aug. in Psalm. xxxiii. Enarr. i. § 6...ut jam de cruce commendaretur nobis caro et sanguis Domini, novum sacrificium (commenting on Ps. lxxviii. 25 and Phil. 6 ff.).
(2). The context shews that in this passage the main conception is of a sacrifice to be enjoyed ('eaten') and not of a sacrifice to be offered. There is for Christians a feast following upon a sacrifice accomplished, whereby the sacrifice is made the support of the believer.
(3). The ideas of the Passover and of the sacrifices on the Day of Atonement were both fulfilled in the sacrifice of Christ. Christ — 'our Passover' (1 Cor. v. 7) — is both our covenant sacrifice and our sin-offering. The Passover indeed itself recalled the thoughts of redemption and covenant; but the service of the Day of Atonement emphasised the conception of sin, and so made a separation between the sin-offering and the material of the common feast. In Christ that which was presented in distinct parts in the types has been brought together: He was and is the sacrifice of the New Covenant: the sacrifice of Atonement: the substance of the Feast.
(4). This sacrifice of the New Covenant and of effectual Atonement is, in respect of Christ, in each case one eternal act. He once offered Himself (vii. 27; ix. 25 f.; x. 10), and once entered into the Presence of God in His own Blood (ix. 12). There is no repetition in any way of these acts. But the Feast which was thus provided continues for man's sustenance while the world lasts. Christ communicates to His people, in His appointed way, the virtue of His life and death.
(5). The earthly altar is the Cross, from which, as including the Crucified Christ, we draw our life and the support of life10. The heavenly altar is Christ Himself, on and in Whom we offer all that we are and have, and through Whom we bring all to God.
Regarded in the light of this passage the Holy Eucharist is seen under two aspects as a metoche (a participation) and a koinonia (a fellowship). The thought of the participation has been adequately guarded, the thought of fellowship is not unfrequently lost sight of. In early writers the fellowship is justly presented as a fellowship of man with man, and as a fellowship of man with God, both realised in and through the Son of man. The first fellowship is represented by 'the one loaf' (artos), by sharing which we 'the many are one body' (1 Cor. x. 17). For those thus united in Christ the second fellowship becomes possible, and Christians can offer themselves to God and hold converse with Him. The symbolism of 'the loaf' finds a striking illustration in the earliest liturgical prayer which has been preserved to us: Eucharistoumen soi Pater hemon huper tes zoes kai gnoseos hes egnorisas hemin dia Iesou tou paidos sou (Is. liii.) soi he doxa eis tous aionas. Hosper hen touto to klasma dieskorpismenon epano ton oreon kai sunachthen egeneto en, houto sunachtheto sou e ekklesia apo ton peraton tes ges eis ten sen basileian. hoti sou estin he doxa kai e dunamis dia Iesou Christou eis tous aionas. The thought of the bringing of man to God in the Holy Communion is expressed by the characteristic Dionysian conception of Sunaxis, which in the Dionysian writings is not the gathering of Christians together, but the gathering of Christians to God: sunaxin noeteon ou ten tou laou, kathos ten lexin tives semeron eklambanontai, alla ten pros theon sunagogen kai koinonian (Pachym. Paraph. Hier. Eccles. c. 3). The Father Himself is the Sunagogos (Hier. coel. c. 1).
In this connexion the words of the Lord gain a fresh force,
kago ean hupsotho ek tes ges pantas elkuso pros emagton.
Additional Note on xiii. 20. On the references in the Epistle to the Gospel History.
Additional Note on xiii. 20. On the references in the Epistle to the Gospel History.
The direct references in the Epistle to the facts of the Gospel History are not very numerous, but it can be seen that the record, such as it has been handed down to us in the (Synoptic) Gospels, was constantly present to the mind of the writer.
The Incarnation, as it is described in the Synoptic Gospels and summarily presented by St John, is implied in ii. 14 (meteschen ton auton) compared with i. 2, 5 (see p. 426); and it is definitely said that the Lord sprang 'out of the tribe Judah' (vii. 14 note). Nothing is said in detail of the Lord's life of silent preparation. On the other hand the general account of the completeness of His experience, as corresponding to that of man 'in all things, sin apart' (iv. 15), necessarily involves the recognition of His perfect growth from stage to stage, and this truth of a complete human development is made clear by the conception of His teleiosis (see Addit. Note on ii. 10). The Epistle contains no certain reference to the Baptism, but the form in which the quotation from Ps. ii. 7 is given in c. v. 5 suggests the thought that the writer may have had in mind the divine voice at that time (comp. i. 5 note; v. 5). The emphatic assertion of the fact that the Lord was tempted and suffered (ii. 18; iv. 15) probably presupposes a knowledge of the critical Temptation before His public ministry. The proclamation of the Gospel 'through the Lord in whom God spake' (i. 2) is specially noticed (ii. 3), but nothing is said of His works. There can be no doubt that the description of the 'prayers and supplications with strong crying and tears' (v. 7) includes a reference to the Agony, though it may point also to other moments of peculiar trial. The reality (ii. 14) and the voluntariness (ix. 14; comp. v. 26) of the Lord's death are marked. He endured a cross (xii. 2; comp. vi. 6). He suffered 'without the gate' (xiii. 12; comp. John xix. 17); and perhaps from among the details of the Passion, there is an allusion to the rending of the veil of the Temple in x. 20. Afterwards God 'brought Him back from the dead' (xiii. 20); and He has ascended (vi. 20; comp. ix. 12, 24), and passed through the heavens (iv. 14; comp. vi. 20), and taken His seat on the Right hand of God (i. 3; iv. 14; viii. 1; x. 12); and now believers look for His Return (ix. 28; comp. i. 6). The mention of 'the Spirit of grace' after the 'Blood of the Covenant' in x. 29 may point to the gift at Pentecost. From first to last through every vicissitude of life the Lord remained absolutely faithful to God in the administration of the Divine Economy (iii. 2 ff.), and sinless (vii. 26).
*Additional Note on* xiii. 21. *On the Apostolic Doxologies.*
Additional Note on xiii. 21. On the Apostolic Doxologies.
The Doxologies in the N. T. form an interesting study. They are found in each group of the Epistles and in the Apocalypse, and corresponding forms occur in the Synoptic Gospels.
The following table shews the general symmetry of their form:
(1). Gal. i. 5
o [to theo kai patri hemon]
he doxa
eis tous aionas ton aionon. amen.
(2). Rom. xi. 36
auto [tis egno noun kuriou......hoti ex autou kai di' autou kai eis auton ta panta]
e doxa
eis tous aionas. amen.
(3). Rom. xvi. 27 mono sopho theo
dia Hiesou Christou [o]
he doxa
eis tous aionas. amen.
(4). Phil. iv. 20
to theo kai patri hemon
he doxa
eis tous aionas ton aionon. amen.
(5). Eph. iii. 21 auto [to dunameno huper panta poiesai...]
he doxa
en te ekklesia kai en Christo Iesou eis pasas tas geneas tou aionos ton aionon. amen.
(6). 1 Tim. i. 17
to basilei ton aionon...mono theo
time kai doxa
eis tous aionas ton aionon. amen.
(7). 1 Tim. vi. 16
o [to makario kai mono dunaste...]
time kai kratos aionion. amen.
(8). 2 Tim. iv. 18 o [to kurio]
he doxa
eis tous aionas ton aionon. amen.
(9). Hebr. xiii. 21 o [to theo tes eirenes or possibly Iesou Christo]
he doxa
eis tous aionas ton aionon. amen.
(10). 1 Pet. iv. 11 o [to theo, or possibly Iesou Christo]
estin
he doxa kai to kratos
eis tous aionas ton aionon. amen.
(11). 1 Pet. v. 11 auto [to theo]
to kratos
eis tous aionas. amen.
(12). 2 Pet. iii. 18
auto [to kurio hemon kai soteri Iesou Christo]
he doxa
kai nun kai eis hemeran aionos.
(13). Jude 25
mono theo soteri hemon
dia Iesou Christou tou kuriou hemon
doxa megalosune kratos kai exousia
pro pantos tou aionos kai nun kai eis pantas tous aionas. amen.
(14). Apoc. i. 6
auto [to agaponti hemas kai lusanti hemas...]
he doxa kai to kratos
eis tous aionas. amen.
(15). Apoc. v. 13
to kathemeno epi tou thronou kai to arnio
he eulogia kai he time kai he doxa kai to kratos
eis tous aionas ton aionon.
kai ta tessara zoa elegon. Hamen.
Compare iv. 11; v. 12; xii. 10 ff.
(16). Apoc. vii. 12
Amen.
he eulogia kai he doxa kai sophia kai he eucharistia kai he time kai he dunamis kai he ischus
to theo hemon
eis tous aionas ton aionon [. amen].
Compare v. 10.
Several points at once offer themselves for notice.
(1) All the Doxologies except (12) and perhaps (16) are closed by Amen. Notice (15), (16).
(2) They exhibit singular variety in detail. Two only are substantially identical in form; (1), (4). Compare also (2), (8).
(3) Three are directly addressed to Christ; (8), (12), (14), and possibly also (9), (10).
(4) In one case the verb is expressed in the indicative (10). In some cases the phrase appears to be affirmative; (7), (11), (12): in others it appears to be precatory; (3), (5), (13). In most cases it is difficult to determine which interpretation is most natural.
(5) In two cases the ascription of glory to God is made through Christ; (3), (13).
The (first) Epistle of Clement offers a remarkable series of Doxologies, which reproduce the three chief types: (1) o [i.e. to theo] he aionas ton aionon. amen (38, 43, 50; comp. 45); (2) o [to despote ton apanton or possibly Iesou Christo] he doxa kai he megalosune...(20; comp. 58, 61); (3) di' ou [Iesou Christou] estin auto he doxa...(58).