Cloud of WitnessesBeta
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Notes on the Old and New Testaments

Volume 3

CHAP1

the usual language which described a journey to Jerusalem. Thus the English people speak of going up to London, because it is the capita See Note, ch. xv. 1. IT To Jerusalem. The governors of Judea at this time usually resided at Cesarea; but as Jerusalem had been the former capital; as it was still the seat of the religious solemnities; as the sanhedrim held its meetings there; and as the great, and rich, and learned men, and the priests resided there, it is evident that a full knowledge of the state of the province could be obtained only there. Festus therefore, having entered on the duties of his office, eariy went to Jerusalem to make himself acquainted with the affairs of the nation.

2. Then the high-priest. The highpriest at this time was Ismael, the son of Fahi. He had been promoted to that office by Agrippa. Josephus' Antiq. b. xx. ch. viii. $ 8. It is probable, however, that the person here intended was Ananias, who had been high-priest, and who would retain the name. Notes, ch. xxiii. 2. Some MSS. read high-priests here in the plural number, and this reading is approved by Mill and Griesbach. There is, however, no improbability in supposing that the high-priest Ismael might have been also as much enraged against Paui as the others. IT Informed him against Paul. Informed him of the accusation against him; and doubtless endeavoured to prejudice the mind of Festus against him. They thus showed their unrelenting disposition. It might have been supposed that after two years this unjust prosecution would be abandoned and forgotten. But malice does not thus forget its object; and the spirit of persecution is not thus satisfied. It is evident that there was here every probability that injustice would be done to Paul, and that the mind of Festus would be biassed against him. He was a stranger to Paul, and to the embittered feelings of the Jewish character. He would wish to

4 But Festus answered, that Paul should he kept at Cesarea, and that he himself would depart shortly I hi /her.
5 Let them therefore, said he, which among you are able, go down with me, and accuse this man, if there be any wickedness in him.

conciliate their favour on entering on the duties of his office. And a strong representation therefore, made by the chief men of the nation, would be likely to prejudice him violently against Paul, and to unfit him for the exercise of impartial justice.

3. And desired favour against him. Desired the favour of F^tus, that they might accomplish their wicked purpose on Paul. 11 Would send for hiin to Jerusalem. Probably under a pretence that he might be tried by the sanhedrim; or perhaps they wished Festus to hear the cause there, and to decide it while he was at Jerusalem. Their real motive is immediately stated. 11 Lying wait in the way to kill him. That is, they would lie in wait, or they would employ a band of Sicarii, or assassins, to take his life on the journey. See Notes, ch. xxi. 38: xxiii. 12. It is altogether probable that it this request had been granted, Paul would have been killed. But. God hr.d promised him that he should bear witness to the truth at Rome (ch. xxiii. 11), and his providence was remarkable in thus influencing the mind of the Roman governor, and defeating the plans of the Jewish council.

4. But Festus answered, &c. What induced Festus to refuse their request, is not known. It is probable, however, that he was apprized that Paul was a Roman citizen, and that his case could not come before the Jewish sanhedrim, but must be heard by himself. As Cesarea was also at that time the residence of the Roman governor, and the place of holding the courts, and as Paul was lodged there safely, there did not appear any sufficient reason for removing him to Jerusalem for trial. Festus, however, granted them all that they could reasonably ask, and assured them that he should have a speedy trial.

5. WTiich among you are able. Enjoy all the advantages of just trial, and exhibit your accusations with all tho learn

G And when he had tarried among them ' more than ten days, he went down ui a; and the next Jay Bitting in the judgment-seat, commanded Paul i o be brought.
? And when he was come, the.lews which came down from Jerusalem stood round about, and laid many and grievous complaints against Paul, which a they could not prove.

iatt and talent in your power. This was all that they could reasonably ask at hifl hands.

' ■>• than ten days. See the margin. The Syriac reads it, 'eight or ten.' The Vulgate, 'not more than eight or ten*1 The Coptic, ' eight or ten.' Griesbach supposes this to be the true reading, and has admitted it into the text. ' in the judgment-seat. On the tribunal; or holding a court for the trial of Paul. f Commanded Paul to he brought. To be brought up for trial. lie had laeen secured, but was placed in the care of a soldier, who was commanded to let him have all the freedom that was consistent with his security.

S. While he answered, &c. See this answer more at length in ch. xxiv. 10—21. As the accusations against him were the same now as then, he made to them the same reply.

9. But Feslus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure. Desirous of securing their favour, as he had just entered on his administration. Comp. ch. xxiv. '27. In this he evinced rather a desire ol larity than an inclination to do justice. Had he been disposed to do right ai once, he would have immediately discharged Paul. Festus perceived that tl was one that did not came fairly within the jurisdiction of a Roman magistrate; /hat it pertained solely to tin- CUSl questions among th 18— 80;

and he therefore proposed should be tried before him at Jerusalem. It is remarkable, however, that he had Buch a sense of j'istice, and law 6ufTer the cc<?e to go out of his own self, Neither against the laws of the.lew -,. n. ither against th< pie, nor yet. have 1

salem, and there be judged of these things before me '

hands. He proposed still hi hear the cause, but asked Paul whether be vim w illing thai it should be tried at I. 'in I As the qu< itkm which be Paul, was one "ii which he un> at liberty folly to throw himself again in hands, or to give them another opportunity to form a plan against bis

]h,>c,\ that justice would be promoted by it, but to gratify the Jews, Paul prudently ought, to be judged: to the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest. 11 For if I be an offender, or say that lie regarded the tribunal before which he then stood, and on which Festus sat, as really the judgment-seat ol* Cesar. The procurator, or governor, held his commission from the Roman emperor, and it was, in fact, his tribunal. The reason why Paul made this declaration, may be thus expressed: ' I am a Roman citizen. I have a right to justice. I am under no obligation to put myself again in the hands of the Jews. " 1 have a right to a fair and impartial trial; and I claim the protection and privileges which all Roman citizens have before their tribunals; the right of a fair and just trial.' It was, therefore, a severe rebuke of Festus for proposing to depart from the known justice of the Roman laws; and, for the sake of popularity, proposing to him to put himself in ihe hands of his enemies. IT Where 1 ought to be judged. Where I have a right to demand and expect justice. I have a right to be tried where courts are usually held, and according to all the forms of equity which are usually observed. 1T / have done no wrong. I have not injured their persons, property, character, or religion. This was a bold appeal which his consciousness of innocence, and the whole course of proceedings enabled him to make, without the possibility of their gainsaying it IT As thou very well knowest. Festus knew, probably, that Paul had been tried by Felix, and that nothing was proved against him. He had now seen the spirit of the Jews, and the cause why they arraigned him. He had given Paul a trial, and had called on the Jews to adduce their " able" men to accuse him, and after all, nothing had been proved against him. Festus knew therefore that he was innocent. This abundantly appears also from his own confession, ver. 18, 19. As he knew this, and as Festus was proposing to depart from the regular course of justice for the sake of popularity, it was proper for Paul to use the strong language of rebuke, and to claim what he knew Festus did not dare to deny him, the protection of the Roman laws. Conscious innocence may be bold; and Christians have a right to insist on impartial justice, and the protection of the laws. Alas, how many magistrates there have been like Festus, who, when

have committed any thing' worthy of death, 1 refuse not to die; but it' there be none of these things whereof these accuse me, no man

Christians have been arraigned before them, have been fully satisiied of their innocence, but who, for the sake of popularity, have departed from all the rules of law, and all the claims of justice

11. For if I be an offender. If 1 have injured the Jews so as to deserve death. If it can be proved that J have done injury to any one. H I refuse not to die. I have no wish to escape justice. I do not wish to evade the laws, or to take advantage of any circumstances to screen me from just punishment. Paul's whole course showed that this was the noble spirit which actuated him. JNo true Christian wishes to escape from the laws He will honour them, and not seek to evade them. But, like other men, he has rights; and he may and should insist that justice should be done. 11 No man may deliver me unto them. J\o man shall be allowed to do it. This bold and confident declaration Paul could make, because he knew what the law required, and he knew that Festus would not dare to deliver him up contrary re the law. Boldness is not incompatible with Christianity; and innocence, w hen its rights are invaded, is always bold. Jesus firmly asserted his rights when on trial (John xviii. 23), and no man is under obligation to submit to be trampled on by an unjust tribunal in violation of ihe laws. IT I appeal xinlo Cesar. I appeal to the Roman emperor, and carry my cause directly before him. By the Valerian, Porcian, and Sempronian laws, it had been enacted, that if any magistrate should be about to beat, or to put to death any Roman citizen, the accused could appeal to the Roman people, and this appeal carried the cause to Rome. The law was so far changed under the emperors, that the cause should be carried before the emperor, instead of the people. Every citizen had the right of this appeal; and when it was made, iho accused was sent to Rome for trial. Thus Pliny (Ep. 10. 97) says, that those Christians who were accused, and who, being Roman citizens, appealed to Cesar, he sent to Rome to be tried. The reason why Paul made this appeal was, that he saw that justice would not be done him by the Roman governor. He had been tried by Felix, and justice had been denied him, and he was detained a prisoner

may deliver me unto them. I appeal " unto Cesar.
12 Then Pestus, when he had conferred with the council, answered, Hast thou appealed unto Ce-

in violation of law, to gratify the Jews; he had now been trail by Festus, and saw that he was pursuing the same course; and he resolved, therefore, to assert his rights, and remove the cause far from Jerusalem, and from the prejudiced men in that city, at once t«> Rome. It was in this mysterious way thai Paul's long cherished desire to see the Roman church, and to preach the gospel there, was to be gratified. Comp. Note on Rom. i. 0 — 11. For this he had prayed long (Rom. i. 10; xv. '23, 21), ami now al length this purpose was to he fulfilled. God answers prayer; bul it is often in a way which we little anticipate. He BO orders the train of events; he so places us amidst a press of circumstances, that the desire is granted in a way which we could never have anticipated, but which shows in the best manner that tie is a hearer of prayer.

12. When he had conferral with the council. With his associate judges, or with those who were his counsellors m the administration of justice. They were made up of the chief persons, probably military as well as civil, who were about him, and who were his assistants in the administration of the affairs of the province. IT Unto Cesar shall thou go. He was willing in this way to rid "himself of this trial, and of the vexation attending it. He did not dare to deliver him to the Jews in violation of the Roman laws; and he was not willing to do justice to Paul, and thus make himself unpopular with the Jews. He was, therefore, probably rejoiced at the opportunity of thus freeing himself from all the trouble in the ease, in a manner against u huh none could object.

pa. This Agrippa was the son of Herod Agrippa (Acts xii. 1), and great grandson of Herod the Great. His mother's name was Cypros. Josephus' Jewish War-, i. ii. eh. xi. $6. When his hither died, he was at Rome with the emperor Claudius. Josephus says that the emperor was inclined to bestow upon him all his lather's dominions, but was dissuaded by bis ministers. The reason of this was that it 2 R

13 And iiftcr r. rtain Agrippa ami Bernice i

j\ero his successor added to hu ions Julias in Pen a. and a purl lee. Agrippa had.: up at

Rome; and was strongly attached to the Romans. When the troubli i;i Judea which ended in the d» iiruction of Jerusalem, he did all thai he could to order, hut.

those of the Roman-, and a>M>ted tin in at the destruction of Jen. the captivity of thai city, ended Ins days. 1 le died al tie Beventy years, about A. I >. 90s, 1 1 tier of living w ith h sion to reports respectiog h to bis ad\ ants ■

S married to Herod. km_' ol I h own uncle by her father's his death, she pro^p-cd to Polemon kme ofPontUS and part of ( Micia. that if tie would become cirCUtnCMed lbs marry him. He con,:.!.,:. || tinoe long with him \ left him, she returned to her brother Agrippa with whom she lived m tier such

There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix.
15 About who 'a, when ° I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed me, desiring to have judgment against him.
16 To whom I answered, It is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die, before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face, and have license to answer for himself con-

trial should be a topic of conversation, and perhaps Festus might be disposed to ask what wa^ proper to be done in such cases. IT ljeft in bonds. Greek, " a prisoner." Scwo;. He was left in custody,, probably in the keeping of a soldier. ch. xxiv. 23. 27.

15 About whom, &c. See ver. 1 — 5. IT To have judgment against him. To have him condemned.

lfi. It is not the manner, &c He here states the reasons which he gave to the.lews for not delivering Paul into their hands. In ver. 4, 5. we have an account of the fact that he would not accede to the requests of the Jews; and he here states that the reason of his refusal was, that it was contrary to the Roman law. Appian in his Roman, history says, " it is not their custom to condemn men before they are heard." Philo de Prsesi. Rom. says the same thing. In Tacitus (Annal. ii.), it is said, "a defendant is not to be prohibit3d from adducing ail things, by which Ids innocence may be established." It was for this, that the equity of the Roman jurisprudence was celebrated throughout the world. We may remark that it is a subject of sincere gratitude to the God of our nation, that this privilege is enjoyed in the highest perfection in this land. It is the privilege of every man here to be heard; to know the charges against him; to be confronted with the witnesses; to make his defence; and to be tried by the laws, and not by the passions and caprices of men. In this respect our jurisprudence surpasses all that Rome ever enjoyed; and is not inferior to that of the most favoured nation of the earth. IF To deliver. To give him up as a favour (x»e»S«ff,*"0f t0 popular clamour and caprice. Yet our Saviour, in violation of the Roman laws, was thus given up by Pilate. Mntt. xxvii.

17 Therefore when b they were come hither, without any delay on the morrow I sat on the judgmentseat, and commanded the man to be brought forth.
18 Against whom, when the accusers stood up, they brought none accusation of such things as I supposed:
19 But c had certain questions against him of their own supersti-

18 — 25. IT Have the accusers face to face That he may know who they are, and hear their accusations, and refute them. Nothing contributes more to justice than this. Tyrants suffer men to be accused without knowing who the accusers are, and without an opportunity of meeting the charges. It is one great principle of modern jurisprudence, that the accused may know the accusers, and be permitted to confront the witnesses, and adduce all the testimony possible in his own defence. IT And have license. Greek, ' place of apology,' may have the liberty of defending himself.

17. Therefore when they were come hither, &c. See ver. 6.

18. Norte accusation, &c. No charge as I expected of a breach of the peace; of a violation of the Roman law; of atrocious crime. It was natural that Festus should suppose that they would accuse Paul of some such offence. He had been arraigned before Felix; had been two years in custody; and the Jews were exceedingly violent against him. All this, Festus would presume, must have arisen from some flagrant and open violation of the laws.

19. But had certain questions. Certain inquiries, or litigated and disputed subjects; certain points of dispute in which they differed. ZipfyiaT«Tiy*. IT Of their own superstition. AsuriSxiftovius. This word properly denotes the worship, or fear of demons; but was applied by the Greeks and Romans to the worship of their gods. It is the same word which is used in Acts xvii. 22. where it is used in a good sense. See Note on that place There are two reasons for thinking that Festus used the word here in a good sense, and not in the sense in which we use the word superstition. (1.) It was the word by which the worship of the Greeks and

tion, and of one Jesus, which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive.
20 And because ' I doubted of such manner of questions, 1 asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem,;md there be judged of these matters.
•Jl But when Paul had appealed to be reserved unto the - nearing of Augustus, 1 commanded him to ^e kept till I might send him to Oesar.

ifamans, and, therefore, of Fesrus himrelf, was denoted, and he would naturally iise it in a similar Bense in applying it to the Jews. Ho would wish rimply to deicribe their worship in such lang le was accustomed to use when speaking of religion. (2.) He knew that Agrippa vas a Jew. Festus would not, jpeak of the religion of his royal guest as superstition, but would speak oi' it with.espect. He meant, therefore, to say simply, that they had certain inquiries.bout their own religion; Imt accused iim of no crime against the Roman laws, if And of one Jctus, which was dead. Gr. Of one dead Jesus.' It is evident that festus had no belief that Jesus had been aised up; and in this he would expect hat Agrippa would concur with him. Paul had admitted that Jesus had been put to death; but he maintained that he had been raised from the dead. As Festus did not believe this, he spoke of it with the utmost contempt. ' They had a dispute about one dead Jesus, whom Paul affirmed to he alive.' In tl ner a Roman magistrate could speak of the glorious truth of the Christian religion; and this shows the spirit with which the great mass of philosophers and statesmen regarded its doctrines.

20. And bt run*- I doubled of tuck manner of questions. See the margin. Because T hesitated about the right way of disposing of them; because 1 was ignorant of their nature and bearing, I proposed to go to Jerusalem, that the matter might be there more fully inv<

■us, that if Paul was not found guilty of any violation of the laws, he should have been at on Some interpreters understand I. firming that he was □ boul the question of Paul's innocence, or whether he aught to bo set at liberty or not

22 Then Agrippa said nnl
23 And on the morrow, when Agripp.

with <_nv.it " pomp, and was entered into the place or In aring, with the

1 To be reserved. To be kept; not to Iks tried at Jerusalem, but t<> be Bent to (tome (br trial. 1 Unto theht fin, " the

Ding emperor at this til.Nero. The name I properly denotes thai which h able, or worthy of honour and r«- i It was first applied to < ' mi-', who was the Roman emperor in the time when our Saviour WBS born, and hts in office, as denoting;; ■ ration or reverence which was due to the rank of emperor.

here, that the militar sembled f The riti/. The en il officers, or the reputation and influence. 24. Have dealt soil

present with us, ye see this man, about whom all a the multitude of the Jews have dealt with me, both at Jerusalem, and also here, crying that b he ounht not to live any longer.
25 But when I found that he had committed nothing c worthy of death, and that he himself hath appealed d to Augustus, I have determined to send him.

before me, desiring me to try him. They have urged me to condemn him, H Crying out, &c. Cornp. ch. xxii. 22. They had sought that he should be put to death. 2G. Of whom. Respecting his character, opinions, manner of life; and respecting the charges against him. IT No certain thing. Nothing definite, and well established. They had not accused Paul of any crime against the Roman laws; and Festus professes himself too ignorant of the customs of the Jews to inform the emperor distinctly of the nature of the charges, and the subject of trial. IT Unto mil lord. To the emperor; to Cesar. This name Lord, the emperors Augustus and Tiberius had rejected, and would not sutler it to be applied to them. Suetonius (Life of Augustus, v. 53.) says " the appellation of Lord he always abhorred as abominable and execrable." See also Suetonius' Life of Tiberius, v. 27. The emperors that succeeded them, however, admitted the title, and suffered themselves to be called by this name. Nothing would be more satisfactory to Nero, the reigning emoeror, than this title. IT I might have somewhat to lunte. As Agrippa was a Jew, and was acquainted with the customs and doctrine of the Jews, Festus supposed that after hearing Paul, he would be able to inform him of the exact nature of these charges, so that he could present the case intelligibly to the emperor.

27. Fur it seemelh to me unreasonable. Festus felt that he was placed in an embarrassing situation. He was about to send a prisoner to Rome to be tried, who had been tried by himself, and who had appealed from his jurisdiction; and yet he was ignorant of the charges against him, and of the nature of his offences, if any had been committed. When prisoners were thus sent to Rome to be tried before the emperor, it would be proper that the chargesshould be all specified, and theevidence stated by which thej were support-

26 Of whom 1 have no certain thing to write unto my lord. Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and specially before thee, O king Agrippa, that, after examination had, I might have somewhat to write.
27 For e it seemeth to me unrea sonable, to send a prisoner, and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him.

ed. Yet Fes'.us could do neither; and it is not wonderful that he felt himself perplexed and embarrassed; and that he was glad to avail himself of the desire which Agrippa had expressed to hear Paul, that he might be able to specify the charges against him. IT Withal. Also; at the same time. IT To signify. To specify, or make them know. In concluding this chapter, we may observe:

(1.) That in the "case of Agrippa, we have an instance of the reasons which induce many men to hear the gospel. He had no belief in it; he had no concern for its truth or its promises; but he was led by curiosity to desire to hear the minister of the gospel of Christ. Curi osity thus draws multitudes to the sane tuary. In many instances, they remain unaffected and unconcerned in regard to its provisions of mercy. They listen, and are unmoved, and die in their sins. In many instances, like Agrippa, they are almost persuaded to be Christians, ch. xxvi. 28. Hut, like him, they resist the appeals; and die uninterested in the plan of salvation. In some instances, they are converted; and their curiosity, like that of Zaccheus. is made the means of then embracing the Saviour. Luke xix. 1 — 9. Whatever may be the motive which in duces men to desire to hear, it is the duly of the ministry cheerfully and thankfully like Paul, to state the truth, and to defend the Christian religion.

(2.) In Festus we have a specimen of the manner in which the great men, and the rich, and the proud, usually regard Christianity. They esteem it to be a subject of inquiry, in which they have no interest; a question about " one dead Jesus," whom Christians affirm to be alive. Whether he be alive or not; whether Christianity be true or false, they suppose is an inquiry which does not pertain to them. Strange that it did not occur to Festus that if he was alive, his religion

CHAPTER XYVI. TUITION Agrippa said hnto Paul, -*- Tin m art permitted to speak for thyself. Then Paul Btretched forth the hand, and answered for himself: was true; and th»l it was possible thai it might be from God. And Btrange thai the men of this world regard the Christian religion as a subject in which they nave no persona] interest, hut as niic concerning which Christians only should inquire, and in which tfu y alone should led any concern.

(3.) In Paul we have the example of a man unlike both Festus and Agrippa. He felt a deep interest in the subject — a subject which pertained as much to them as to him. lie was willing not only to look at it with curiosity, but to stake his life, his reputation. Ins all, on its truth. He was willing to defend it every where, and before any class of men. At the same time that he urged his rights as a Roman citizen, yet it was mainly that he might preach the gospel. At the same time that he was anxious to secure justice to himself, yet his chief anxiety was to declare the truth of tiod. Before any tribunal; before any class of men, in the presence of princes, nobles, and kings, of Romans and of Jews, he was ready to pour forth irresistible eloquence and argument in defence of the truth. Who would not rather be Paul than either Festus or Agrippa? Who would not rather be a prisoner like him, than invested with authority like Festus, or clothed in splendour like Agrippa? And who would not rather be an honest and cordial believer of the gospel like Paul, than, like them, to be cold contemners or neglecters of the God that made them, and of the Saviour that died, and rose aimin. CHAPTER XXVI.

1. Then Paul stretched forth the hand. See Note, ch. xxi. 40. This was the usual posture of orators or public speakers. The ancient statues are commonly made in this way, with the right hand extended. The dress of the ancients favoured this. The long and loose robe, or outer garment, was fastened usually with a hook or clasp on the right shoulder, ami thus left the arm at full liberty. lAndantwered f<>r himself. It cannot i»osed that Paul expected that his defence would in- attended with a release from confinement; for he had himself ed to the Roman emperor, ch. xxv. 11. This design in speaking before Agrippa

8 i think myself happy, kino Agrippa, because I shall. for myself ibis day before thee, touching all the things v. i. am accused of t.

oorrei t representation of the case to the emperor, as Festus had desired this m order that Agrippa might enable him to make a fair statement of tie' i xxv. 26, S,; at: bis own conversion, and the truth of Christianity, and to preach the gospel m tin- hearing of Agnppa and the attendants, with a hope that their minds might he improve d by the truth, and that the} i

2. I thin/; myself happy, i i a favour and a privilege to be p to make my defence before one acquaint* ed with Jewish customs and opinions. His defence, on former occasions, had been before Roman magistrates, who bad little acquaintance with lh< i customs oi the Jews, who were not disposed to listen to the discussion of the of difference between him and them, and who looked upon all their controversies with contempt. 8 xxiv. xxv. They were, therefore, little. qualified to decide a question which was closely connected with the Jew toms and doctrines; and Paul now rejoiced to know that he was before one, who, from his acquaintance with tho Jewish customs.and belief, would be able to appreciate bis arguments and motives. Paul was not now on his tr.al; but ho was to defend himself, or state hi so that Agrippa might be able Festus in transmitting a true account of i to the Roman emperor.

his interest and duty, therefore, to himself ossible; and to put him in possession of all the ia< is in tho case. Bus defence is. consequently, made up chiefly of a most eloqui were, his being a mover of sedition, h ringleader of the < Ihnstians, and of the t< mpl J Tobt • tperU To be skilled,

to be expert ° in all customs and questions which are among the Jews: wherefore I beseech thee to hear h me patiently.
4 My manner e of life from my youth, which was at the first among mine own nation at Jerusalem,

acquainted. IT In all custom*. Rites, institutions, laws, iS:c. Every thing pertaining to the Mosaic ritual, &c. 1T And yitasiions. Subjects of debate, and of various opinions. The inquiries which had existed between the Pharisees, Sadducees, scribes, &e. Paul could say this of Agrippa without falsehood or flattery. Agriiijia was a Jew; and had passed much of his time in the kingdom over which he presided; and though he had passed the early part of his life chiefly at Rome, yet it was natural that he should make himself acquainted with the religion of his fathers. Paul did not know how to flatter men; but he was not unwilling to state the simple truth, and to commend men as far as truth would permit. IF Wherefore. On this account; because you are acquainted with those customs. The Romans, who regarded those customs as superstitious, and those questions as matters to be treated with contempt, could not listen to their discussion with patience. Agrippa, who knew their real importance, would be disposed to lend to all inquiries respecting them a patient attention.

4. My manner of life. My opinions, principles, and conduct. 1T From my youth. Paul was born in Tarsus; but at an early period he had been sent to Jerusalem for the purpose of education in the school of Gamaliel. ~n- xxii. 3. *ir Which was at the first. Which was from the beginning; the early part of which; the time when the opinions and habits are formed. IT Know all the Jews. It is not at all improbable that Paul was distinguished in the school of Gamaliel for zeal in the Jewish religion. The fact that he was early intrusted with a commission against the Christians (ch. ix.), shows that he was known. Comp. Phil. ni 4 — 6. He might appeal to them, therefore, in regard to the early part of his life; and, doubtless, to the very men who had been his violent accusers.

5. Which hnew me. Who were well acquainted with me. IT From the beginning. "Avoj^iv. Formerly; or from the very commencement of my career. Who

5 Which knew me from the beginning, if they would testify, that after the most straitest sect of our religion, I lived a Pharisee. d
6 And now ■ I stand and am judged for the hope of the prOfi c.23.3. Phil.3.5. t c.23.6.

were perfectly apprized of my whole course. IT If tney would testify. If they would bear witness to what they knew. V That after the most straitest. The most rigid; the most strict; not only in regard to the written law of God, but the traditions of the elders. Paul himself elsewhere testifies (Phil. iii. 4 — 6), that he had enjoyed all the advantages of birth and training in the Jewish religion, and that he had early distinguished himself by his observance of its rites and customs. IT Sect. Division, or party. IF 1 lived a Pharisee. I lived in accordance with the rules and doctrines of the Pharisees. See Note, Matt. iii. 7. The reasons why Paul here refers to his early life are, (1.) As he had lived during the early period of his life without crime; as his principles had been settled by the instruction of the most able of their teachers, it was to be presumed that his subsequent life had been of a similar character. (2.) As he, at that period of his life, evinced the utmost zeal for the laws and customs of his country, it was to be presumed that he would not be found opposing or reviling them at any subsequent period. From the strictness and conscientiousness of his past life, he supposed that Agrippa might argue favourably respecting his subsequent conduct A virtuous and religious course in early life is usually a sure pledge of virtue and integrity in subsequent years. 6. And now I stand. I stand before the tribunal. I am arraigned. IF And am judged. Am tried with reference to being judged. I am undergoing a trial on the point in which all my nation are agreed. IF For the hope. On account of the hope; or because, in common with my countrymen, I had entertained this hope, and now believe in its fulfilment. IF Of the promise, &c. See the references in the margin. It is not quite certain whether Paul refers here to the promise of the Messiah, or to the hope of the resurrection of the dead. When he stood before the Jewish sanhedrim (ch. xxiii. 6), he said that he was called in question on account of molding the doctrine

7 Unto which promut oui twelve tribes, instantly serving h Oodx day

of the resurrection of tho dead. But it may be observed, that in Paul's view, the two things were closely united. He hoped that the Messiah would come, and he hoped therefore ldr the resurrection of the dead. He believed that he had come, and had risen; and then believed that the dead would r argued the one from the other. And as he believed that Jesus was the and that he had risen from the dead, and had thus furnished a demonstration that the dead would rise, it was evident that the subject of controversy between him and (he Jews involved every thina thai was vital to their opinions and thi ir hopes. See ver. 8. 1T Made of God. Made by God. See the marginal references. The promises had been made to the fathers of a Messiah to come, and that embraced the promise of a future state, or of the resurrection of the dead. It will help us to understand the stress which Paul and the other apostles laid on the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead, to remember that it involved the whole doctrine of the separate existence of the soul, and of a future state. The Sadducees demed all this; and when the Pharisees, the Saviour, and the apostles opposed them, they did it by showing that there would be a future state of rewards and punishments. See the argument of the Saviour with the Sadducees explained in the Notes, Matt. x.xii. 23— 32. T Unto our fathers. Our ancestors, the patriarchs. &c.

7. Unto which promise. To the fulfilment of which promise, they hope to come: i. e. they hope and believe thai the promise will be fulfilled, and that thev will partake of its benefits. 1 Out twelve tribes. This was the name by which the Jews were designated. The ancient Jewish nation had hoped to come to that promise; it had been the hope and expectation of the nation. before the coming of the of the twelve tribes had been carried captive to Assyria, and had not returned, leaving but the two tribes of Benjamin and Judah. But the name. ■ th< tribes,' to designate the;

which hope's Bake, king Vgrippa, 1 am accused of the J< 8 \\ hv ■ Bhould it be tin would be stdl retained, I I. I'.ml h ire saj - thai I been that of the Jewish dc the comparatively small, was true; for amidst all; nation, the-,- observed with punctuality and zeal the outward fora were in the morning an '. might, be "i>. night Some <: tie it paschal Bupjx r till late at night The main; up Hie \.: and untiring zeal r: For vhuli In I l "Hit "f

thing incredible with you, that God should raise the dead 1
9 I a verily thought with myself, that I ought to do many things contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth.

Why should it be regarded as absurd. % With you. This is in the plural number; and it is evident that Paul here addressed not Agrippa alone, but those who were with him. There is no evidence that Agrippa doubted that the dead could be raised; but Festus, and those who were with him, probably did; and Paul, in the ardour of his speech, turned and addressed the entire assembly. It is very evident that we have only an outline of this argument, and there is every reason to suppose that Paul would dwell on each part of the subject at greater length than is here recorded. IT That God should raise the dead. Why should it be regarded as absurd that God — who has all po^.er; who was the creator of all; who was the author of the human frame — should again restore man to life, and continue his future existence. The resurrection is no more incredible than the original creation of the human body, and it is attended with no greater difficulties. And as the perfections of God will be illustrated by his raising up the dead; as the future state is necessary to the purposes of justice in vindicating the just, and punishing the unjust; and as God is a righteous moral governor, it should not be regarded as an absurdity that he will raise up those who have died, and bring them to judgment.

9. I verily thought. I indeed (/*ev> supposed. Paul here commences the account of his conversion, and states the evidence on which he judged that he was called of God to do what he had done. He begins by saying that it was not because he was originally disposed to be a Christian, but that he was violently and conscientiously opposed to Jesus of Nazareth, and had been converted when in the full career of opposition to him and his cause IT With myself. I thought to myself; or, I myself thought. He had before stated the hopes and expectations of his countrymen, ver. 6 — 3. He now speaks of his own views and purposes. 'F^r myself, I thought,' &c. 11 That 1 ought to do. That I was bound, or that it was a duty incumbent on me. &<tv. 'I thought that I owed it to my tountry, to my religion, and to my God,

10 Which thing I also did in '*■

Jerusalem: and many of the saints did I shut up in prison, having received authority c from the chief priests; and when they were put tc death, I gave my voice against them, to oppose in every manner the claims of Jesus of Nazareth to be the Messiah.' We here see that Paul was conscientious, and that a man may be conscientious even when engaged in enormous wickedness. It is no evidence that a man is right because he is conscientious. No small part of the crimes against human laws, and almost all the cruel persecutions against Christians, have been carried on under the plea of conscience. Paul here refers to his conscientiousness in persecution, to show- that it was no slight matter which could have changed his course. As he was governed in persecution by conscience, it could have been only by a force of demonstration, and by the urgency of conscience equally clear and strong, that could ever have induced him to abandon this course, and become a friend of that Saviour whom he had thus persecuted. 1i Many things. As much as possible. He was not satisfied with a/eto things— a few words, or purposes, or arguments; but he felt bound to do as much as possible to put down the new religion. H Contrary to the name, <fcc. In opposition to Jesus himself, or to his claims to be the Messiah The name is often used to denoie the person himself, eh. iii. 6.

10. Which thing I did, &c. eh. viii. 3. And many of the saints, &c. Many Chris tians. ch. viii. 3. IT And when they xvert put to death. In the history of those transactions there is no account of any Christian being put to death, except Stephen. Acts vii. But there is no improbability in supposing that the same thing which had happened to Stephen, had occurred in other cases. Stephen was the first martyr, and as he was a prominent man, his case is particularly recorded. ^ J gave my voice. Paul was not a member of the sanhedrim, and this does not mean that he voted, but simply that he joined in the persecution; he approved it; he assented to the putting of the saints to death. Comp. ch. xxii. 20. The Syriac renders it, " I joined with those who condemned them." It is evident also that Paul instigated them in this persecution, and urged them on to deed.3 of blood and cruelty.

11 And 1 punished thorn oft in ° every synagogue, and compelled them to blaspheme; and being exceedingly mad against them, 1 persecuted them even unto Btrange cities.
12 Whereupon as I went h to Damascus, with authority and commission from the chief priests,
13 At mid-day, O king, I saw in the way a light from heaven, above the brightness of the sun, shining round about me, and them which journeyed with me.

11. And I punished them oft, &c. See eh. xxii. 19. IT And compelled than to blaspheme. To blaspheme the name of Jesus, by denying that he was the Messiah, and by admitting that he was an impostor. This was the object which they had in view in the persecution. It was not to make them blaspheme or reproach God, but to deny that Jesus was the Messiah, and to reproach him as a deceiver and an impostor. It is not necessarily implied in the expression, " and compelled them to blaspheme," that he succeeded in doing it; but that he violently endeavoured to make them apostatize from the Christian religion, and deny the Lord Jesus. It is certainly nol impossible that a few might thus have been induced by the authority of the sanhedrim, and by the threats of Paul to do it; but it is certain that the great mass of Christians adhered firmly to their belief that Jesus was the Messiah. IT And being exceedingly mad..Nothing could more forcibly express his rage and violence against the Christians. He raged like a madman; he was so indignant that he laid aside all appearance of reason; and with the fury and violence of a maniac, he endeavoured to exterminate them from the earth. None but a madman will persecute men on account of their religious opinions; and all persecutions have been conducted like this, with the violence, and fury, and ungovernable temper of maniacs. H Unto strange cities. Unto foreign cities; cities 'out of Judea. The principal instance of this was bu going to Damascus; but there is no evidence that he did not intend also to vigil other cities out of Judea, and brine the Christians there, if he found an}-, to.)< rugolem.

!."> And I said. Who art thou. Lord 1 And he said, 1 am whom thou persecutest

L6 Unt rise, and stand upon thv feet: for 1 have appeared unto thee lor this purpose, to make thee;i

16. lint ris,. \r. Tin | artii ul r tinned m this verse and ihe iwo following, are not recorded in the account ol rani's conversion in ch. i\. Bui il is not improbable that many circumstam i have occurred which are nol n i order particularly to show his authority for doing w hat he had done in \ n to the Gentiles. H To main the* a minister. A minister of the gospel: B er of the truth. 1 And a u ch. xxii. 15. 1 Which thou hast i the road to Damascus: that is, ol the I>>rd Jesus, and of the facl thai be w from the dead. " And of thost things, &C. Of thos»- further man my person, protection, and will, which 1 will yet make to you. Il b e\ 'dent from this, thai the Lord Jesus promised to manifest himseli to Paul in b - ministry, and to make to him still further •

these tilings which thou hast seen, and of those things in the which I wiJl appear unto thee;
17 Delivering thee from the people, and from the Gentiles, unto ° whom now I send thee;
18 To open * their eyes, and to turn e them from darkness to light, and from the power d of Satan unto

u-it?iess of those things which he has felt. And no man enters the ministry with these feelings, who has not, as Paul had, a promise that he shall see still brighter displays of the perfections of the Saviour, and be permitted to advance in the knowledge of him and of his work. The highest personal consolation in this work is the promise of their being admitted to ever-growing and expanding views of the glory of the Lord Jesus, and of experiencing his presence, guidance, and protection.

17. Delivering thee from the people. From the Jewish people. This implied that he would be persecuted by them, and that the Lord Jesus would interpose to rescue him. II And from the Gentiles. This also implied that he would be persecuted and opposed by them — a prospect which was verified by the whole course of his ministry. Yet in all he experienced, according to the promise, the support and the protection of the Lord Jesus. This was expressed in a summary manner in Luke ix. 16. IT Unto whom now I send thee. ch. xxii. 21. As the opposition of the Jews arose mainly from the fact that he had gone among the Gentiles, it was important to bring this part of his commission into full view before Agrippa, and to show that the same Saviour who had miraculouslj converted him. had commanded him to go and preach to

18. To open their eyes. To enlighten or instruct them. Ignorance is represented by the eyes being closed, and the instruction of the gospel by the opening of the eyes. See Eph. i. 18. IT And to turn them from darkness to light. From the darkness of heathenism and sin, 'o the light and purity of the gospel. Darkness is an emblem of ignorance and ct" sin; and the heathen nations are often represented as sitting in darkness Comp. Note, Matt. iv. 16. John i. 4. 5. ^ And from the power of Satan. From the do-

God; that they may receive forgiveness e of sins, and inheritance * among them which are s sanctified, by faith '' that is in me.
19 Whereupon, O king Agrippa, I was not disobedient unto the heavenly vision:
20 But showed ' first ur.to them of Damascus, and at Jerusalem,

minion of Satan. Comp. Col. i. 13. 1 Pet. ii. 9. Notes, John xii. 31; xvi. 11. Satan is thus represented as the prince of this world; the ruler of the darkness of this world; the prince of the power of the air. &c. The heathen world, lying in sin and superstition, is represented as under his control; and this passage teaches, doubtless, that the great mass of the people of this world are the subjects of the kingdom of Satan, and are led captive by him at his will. IT Unto God. To the obedience of the one living and true God. 1T That they may receive forgiveness of sins. Through the merits of that Saviour who died; that thus the partition wall between the Jews and the Gentiles might be broken down, and all might be admitted to the same precious privileges of the favour and mercy of God. Comp. Note, Acts ii. 38. IT And inheritance. An heirship, or lot (xxi^ov); that they might be entitled to the privileges and favours of the children of God. See Note, Acts xx. 32. IT Which arc save lifted. Among the saints; the children of God. Note, Acts xx. 32.

19. Whereupon. Whence ('cS-sv). Since the proof of his being the 3Ie?siah, and of his resurrection, and of his calling me to this work, was so clear and plain, I deemed it my duty to engage without delay in the work. IT 1 was not disobedient. I was not incredulous, or unbelieving; I yielded myself to the command, and at once obeyed. See Acts ix. 6. Comp. Gal. i. 16. 1T To the heavenly vision. To the celestial appearance; or to the vision which appeared to me manifestly from heaven. I did not doubt that this splendid appearance (ver. 13) was from heaven.and I did not refuse to obey the command of him who thus appeared to me. He knew it was the command of God his Saviour; and he gave evidence of repentance by yielding obedience to it at once.

and throughout all the coasts of Judea, and the n to the Gentiles, that they should repent and turn t<> God, and do works "meet for repentance.
21 For these causes the Jews ' caught me in the temple, and went about to kill me.

verse contains a summary of his labours in obedience to the command of the Lord Jesus. His argument is, that the Lord Jesus had from heaven commanded him to do this, and that he had done no more than to obey his injunction.

21. Caught me in the temple, ch. xxi. 30. ^ And went about, &.C. Endeavoured to put me to death.

22. Hiving therefore obtained help of God. Paul had seen and felt his danger. He had known the determined malice of the Jews, and their efforts to take his life. He had been rescued by Lysias, and had made every effort to avoid the danger, and to save his life; and at the end of all, he traced his safety entirely to the help of God. It was not by any power of his own that he had been preserved; but it was because God hail interposed and rescued him. Those who have been delivered from danger, if they have just views, will delight to trace it all to God. They will regard his hand; and will feel that whatever wisdom they may have had, or whatever may have been the kindness of their friends to aid them, yet that all this also is to be traced to the superintending providence of God. IT Wityiessing. Bearing testimony to what he had seen, according to the command of Christ, ver. 16. IT To small. To those in humble life; to the poor, the ignorant, and the obscure. Like his master, he did not despise them, but regarded it as his duty and privilege to preach the gospel to the poor. IT And great. The rich and noble; to kings, and princes, and governors. He had thus stood on Mars' Hill at Athens; he had borne testimony b the wise men of Greece; he had declared the same gospel before Felix, V< Btus, and now before Agrippa- He offered salvation to all. He passed by none 1>< < ihey were poor; and he was not deterred by the fear of the rich and the great from making known their sins, and calling them to repentance. What anadra illustration of the proper duties of a minister of the gospel! 1T Saying none otki t thing, &c. Delivering no new doctrine;

witnessing |)(,t!i to small and Baying none other things than which ' the prophets and I aid come.

hut maintaining only that the pi hail been fulfilled. only, there \\ as no reason t >r i position, and persecution ol V Should come, should coma to; should lake place. Paul! means to say, that the doctrini atonement, and of the re r Christ, is taught in tfa

(1.) That it was taught in I that the Messiah should rise from the should be the G

should shew light unto the people, and to the Gentiles.
24 And as he thus spake for himself, Festus said with a loud

24. Festus said with a loud voice. Amazed at the zeal and ardour of Paul. Paul doubtless evinced deep interest in the subject, and great earnestness in the delivery of his defence. IT Thou art beside thyself. Thou art deranged; thou art insane. The reasons why Festus thought Paul mad were, probably, (1.) His great earnestness and excitement on the subject. (2.) His laying such stress on the gospel of the despised Jesus of Nazareth, as if it were a matter of infinite moment. Festus despised it; and he regarded it as proof of derangement that so much importance was attached to it. (3.) Festus regarded, probably, the whole story of the vision that Paul said had appeared to him, as the effect of an inflamed and excited imagination; and as the proof of delirium. This is not an uncommon charge against those who are Christians, and especially when they evince any unusual zeal. Sinners regard them as under the influence of delirium and fanaticism; as terrified by imaginary and superstitious fears; or as misguided by fanatical leaders. Husbands often thus think their wives deranged, and parents their children, and wicked men the ministers of the gospel. The gay think it proof of derangement that others are serious, and anxious, and prayerful; the rich, that others are willing to part with their property to do good; the ambitious and worldly, that others are willing to leave their country and home, to go among the Gentiles to spend their lives in making known the unsearchable riches of Christ. The really sober, and rational part of the world — they who fear God, and keep his commandments; who believe that eternity is before them, and who strive to live for it — are thus charged with insanity by those wno are really deluded, and who are thus living lives of madness and folly. The tenants of a mad-house often think all others deranged but themselves; but

voice, Paul, thou art beside thyself; much learning doth make thee mad. a
25 But he said, I am not mad,

there is no madness so great, no delirium so awful, as to neglect the eternal into rest of the soul for the sake of the poor pleasures and honours which this life can give. II Much learning. It is probable that Festus was acquainted with the fact that Paul had been well instructed, and was a learned man. Paul had not while before him manifested particularly his learning. But Festus, acquainted in some way with the fact that he was well educated, supposed that his brain had been turned, and that the effect of it was seen by devotion to a fanatical form of religion. The tendency of long continued and intense application to produce mental derangement, is every where known. IT Doth make thee mad. Impels, d-ives, or excites thee (*-£e'T^!,'£') to madness.

25. J am not mad. I am not deranged. There are few more happy turns than that which Paul gives to this accusation of Festus. He might have appealed to the course of his argument; he might have dwelt on the importance of the subject, and continued to reason; but he makes an appeal at once to Agrippa, and brings him in for a witness that he was not deranged. This would be far more likely to make an impression on the mind of Festus, than any thing that Paul could say in self-defence. The same reply, ' I an i not rnad,' can be made by all Christians to the charge of derangement which the world brings against them. They have come, like the prodigal (Luke xv. 17), tc their right mind; and by beginning to act as if there were a God and Saviour, as if they were to die, as if there were a boundless eternity before them, they are conducting according to the dictates of reason. And as Paul appealed to Agrippa, who was not a Christian, for the reasonableness and soberness of his own views and conduct, so may all Christians appeal even to sinm-rs themselves, as witnesses that they are acting as immortal beings shoidd act. All men Lnow that if there is an eternity, it is right to prepare for it; if there is a God, it is proper to serve him; if a Saviour died for us, we should love him; if a hell, we should avoid it; if a heaven, we should seek it. And even when they charge us with folly and derangement, we may turn at om them, and appeal to their own consciences, most noble Festus, but speak forth the words of truth and Boberness. 26 For the kino- knoweth of these things, before whom also I speak and ask them if all our anxieties, and prayers, and efforts, and Belf-denials, are not right? One of the best ways of convicting sinners is, to appeal to them just as Paul did to Agrippa. When so appealed to, ihey will usually acknowledge the force of the appeal; and will admit thai all the solicitude of Christians lor their salvation is according to the dictates of reason. ^T Most noble Festus. This was the usual title of the Roman governor. Comp. xxiv. 3. V Of truth. In accordance with the predictions of Moses and the prophets; and the facts which have occurred in the death and resurrection of the Messiah. In proof of this he appeals to Agrippa. ver. 26, 27. Truth here stands opposed to delusion, imposture, and fraud IT And soberness. Soberness (o-ujc<>:<ruv>i, wisdom) stands opposed here to madness, oi derangement, and denotes sanity of mind. The words which I speak are those of a sane man, conscious of what he is saying, and impressed with its truth. They were the words, also, of a man who, under the charge of derangement, evinced the most perfect sell-possession, and command of his feelings; and who uttered sentiments deep, impressive, and worthy of the attention of mankind.

26. For the king. King Agrippa. *X Knoweth. He had been many years in that region, and the fame of Jesus and of Paul's conversion were probably well known to him. IT These things. The things pertaining to the early persecutions of Christians; the spread of ihe gospel; and the remarkable conversion of Paul. Though Agrippa might not have been fully informed respecting these things, yet he had an acquaintance wTitli Moses and the prophets; he knew the Jewish expectal on respecting the Messiah; and he could not be ignorant respecting the remarkable public ev< nil in the life ofJesua ol Nazareth, and <<i' rus having been put to death bv order of Pontius Pilate on the en - freely. I speak openl]. boldly. I

; and I -peak the more confidt mly before him, because, from Ins situation. he must be acquainted with the truth of what I say. Truth is always bold and free; and" it is an - honesty

freely; for I am persuaded that none i f th< se things are hidden from him; for this thing was n„t

are qualified to detect him if be is an in poster. Such evidence ■>! in honesty was riven by Paul ' / /. persuaded, 1 am convinced; I doubt not that he is well acquainted w things. 1 Are hidden from km he is unacquainted with them ' / • • mainly referred in this deli nee, I conversion to the Christian - 1 Wat nut done m a cornt r 1 1 and in the manner in which that I sion had taken place, could i*.: J tract attention and remark. I though the Jews would endeavour m j much as possible to conceal it, might presume that it could not! • ly unknown to Agri bring in the testimony of Agrip] I the charge of Festus that hi ■■• ed. 1 ft lit r< st thou the propht tt prophecies respi ctii - Bufferings, and the death ol H 1 knew thai thou /"In n st a Jew; and, as Buch, he of course believed the prophets. Perhaps too, from what Paul knew ol bis personal character, be might confidently affirm thai he; • to be a believer, [nstead, lh< n waiting for h - it, and says that h< I

28 Then Agrippa said unto Paul,

of the truth of Christianity, that he was deterred by no rank, station, or office; by no fear of the rich, the "great, and the learned; but every where urged the evidence of that religion as indisputable. In this, lay the secret of no small part of his success. A man who really believes the truth will be ready to defend it. A man who truly loves religion will not be ashamed of it any where.

28. Then Agrippa said unto Paul. He could not deny that he believed the prophets. He could not deny that the argument was a strong one, that they had been fulfilled in Jesus of Nazareth. He could not deny that the evidence of the miraculous interposition of God in the conversion of Paul was overwhelming. And instead, therefore, of charging him as Festus had done with derangement, he canmdly and honestly avows the impression which the proof had made on his mind. IT Almost. Except a very little. 'Ev l\iy<». Thou hast nearly convinced me that Christianity is true, and persuaded me to embrace it. The arguments of Paul had been so rational; the appeal which he had made to his belief of the prophets had been so irresistible, that he had been nearly convinced of the truth of Christianity. We are to remember, (1.) That Agrippa was a Jew, and that he would look on this whole subject in a different manner from the Roman Festus. (2.) That Agrippa does not appear to have partaken of the violent passions and prejudices of the Jews who had accused Paul. (3.) His character as given by Josephus is that of a mild, candid, and ingenuous man. He had no particular hostility to Christians; he knew that they were not justly charged with sedition and crime; and he saw the conclusion to which a belief of the prophets inevitably tended. Yet, as in thousands of other cases, he was not quite persuaded to be a Christian. What was included in the "almost;" what prevented' his being quite persuaded, we know not. It may have been that the evidence was not so clear to his mind as he would profess to desire; or that he was not willing to give up his sins; or that he was too proud to rank himself with the followers of Jesus of Nazareth; or that, like Felix, he was willing to defer it to a more convenient season. There is every reason to believe that he was never quite persuaded to embrace the Lord Jesus; and that ho was never nearer the kingdom of heaven than at this moment. It was the crisis, the turning point in Agrippa's life, and in his eternal destiny; and, like thousands of others, he neglected or refused to allow the full conviction of the truth on hia mind, and died in his sins. IT Thou persuadest me. Thou dost convince me of the truth of the Christian religion, and persuadest me to embrace it. IT To be a Christian. On the name Christian, see Note, ch. xi. 26. On this deeply interesting case, we may observe, (I.) That there are many in the same situation as Agrippa— many who are almost, but not altogether, persuaded to be Christians. They are found among (a) Those who have been religiously educated; (b) Those who are convinced by argument of the truth of Christianity; (c) Those whose consciences are awakened, and who feel their guilt, and the necessity of some better portion than this world can furnish. (2.) Such persons are deterred from being altogether Christians by the following, among other causes, (a) By the love of sin — the love of sin in general, or some particular sin which they are not willing to abandon, (b) The fear of shame, persecution, or contempt, if they become Christians, (c) By the temptations of the world — its cares, vanities, and allurements— which are often prosecuted most strongly in just this state of mind, (d) The love of office, the pride of rank, and power as in the case of Agrippa. (e) A disposition, like Felix, to delay to a more favourable time the work of religion, until life has wasted away, and death approaches, and it is too late; and the unhappy man dies almost a Christian. (3.) This state of mind is one of peculiar interest, and peculiar danger. It is not one of safety; and it is not one that implies any certainty that the ' almost Christian' will ever be saved. There is no reason to believe that Agrippa ever became fully persuaded to become a Christian. To be almost persuaded to do a thing which we ought to do, and yet not to do it, is the very position of guilt and danger. And it is no wonder that many are brought to this point — the turning point, the crisis of life — and then lose theii anxiety, and die in their sins. May the God of grace keep us from resting in being almost persuaded to be Christians.

29 And Paul said, I would ■ to God that not only thou, but also all that hear me, this day, were both almost, and altogether such as I am, except these bonds.
30 And when he had thus Bpoken, the king- rose up, and the governor,

And may every one who shall read this account of Agrippa be admonished by Ins convictions, and be alarmed by the net that he then paused, and that his convictions there ended! And may every one resolve by the help of God to forsake every thing that prevents his becoming an entire believer, and without delay embrace the Son of God as his Saviour!

earnestly desire it of God. This shows, (1.) Paul's intense desire that Agrippa, and all who heard him, might be saved. (2.) His steady and constant belief that none but God could incline them to become altogether Christians. Hence he expressed it as the object which he earnestly sought of God, that they might be true believers. Paul knew well that there was nothing that would overcome the reluctance of the human heart to oe an entire Christian but the grace and mercy of God. He had addressed to them the convincing arguments of religion; and he now breathed forth his earnest prayer to God that these arguments might he effectual. So prays every faithful minister of the cross. IT All that hear me. Festus, and the military and civil officers who had been assembled to hear his defence, ch. xxv. 23. IT Were both almost, and altogether, &c. Paul had no higher wish for them than that they might have the faith and consolations which he had himself enjoyed. He had so firm a conviction of the truth of Christianity, and had experienced so much of its consolations and supports amidst all his persecutions and trials, that his highest desire for them was, that they might experience the same inexpressibly pure and holy consolations. He well knew that there was neither happiness nor safety in being almost a Christian; and he desired, therefore, that they would give themselves, as he had done, entirely and altogether to the service of the Lord Jesus Christ. IT Except these bonds. These chains. Th ceedingly happy and touching Probably Paul, when he said this, Lifted up his arm with the chain attar!.

31 And when they

aside, they talked between th. m- Belves, Phia man doeth nothing worthy of death or of bonds.

I l;s wish was, thai they mighl 1 1 ken of the pun' joyi whit h religion bad conferred on him j thai in all o sports they mighl partake of the of the gospel, > n ept tin m < haint he did not wish thera to bear. 1

("or in the cause, be did nol desire Ihi m to endure. True Christians wish others to partake of the full U< gion. The trials which they themselves experience from without in imp. CUtionS, ridicule, and Blai not wish them to endure. Ti • which they llr e from an evil heart, from corrupt passions, and from temptations, they do nol wish others to experience. Bui even toitA I ligion confers infinitely more i than the world can give; an still, Christians wish thai all should par- | take of the pure consolations which' Ihristianity alone can furnish in this world and i the world to come.

31. This man doeth nothing worthy < r death. This was die conclusion to which they had come, after hearing all that the Jews had to al ' him. Il w.h the result of the whole inves

32. Then said Agrippa I This is a full declaration • tion of Agrippa, thai Paul It is an ii fidelity will be atti nded with h., suits. Paul i the truth. Be had made a bold tod faithful appeal

tus, This man might have been set at liberty, if he had not appealed unto Cesar.

self for the truth of what he was saying. By this appeal, Agrippa had not heen oifended. It had only served to impress him more with the innocence of Paul. It is an instance which shows us that religion may be commended to the consciences and reason of princes, and kings, and judges, so that they will see its truth. It is an instance which shows us that the most bold and faithful appeals may be made by the ministers of religion to their hearers, for the truth of what they are saying. And it is a full proof that the most faithful appeals, if respectful, may be made without offending men, and with the certainty that they will feel and admit their force. All preachers should be as faithful as Paul; and whatever may be the rank and character of their auditors, they should never doubt that they have truth and God on their side, and that their message, when most bold and faithful, will commend itself to the consciences of men. CHAPTER XXVII. 1. And when it was determined. By Festus (ch. xxv. 12), and when the time was come when it was convenient to send him. IT That we should sail. The use of the term " we" here shows that the author of this book, Luke, was with Paul. He had been the companion of Paul, and though he had not been accused, yet it was resolved that he should still accompany him. Whether he went at his own expense, or whether he was sent at the expense of the Roman government, does not appear. There is a difference of reading here in the ancient versions. The Syriac reads it, " And thus Festus determined that he [Paul] should be sent to Cesar in Italy," &c. The Latin Vulgate and the Arabic also read " he" instead of " we." But the Greek manuscripts are uniform; and the correct reading is, doubtless, that which is in our version. D Into Italy. The country still bearing the same name, of which Rome was the capital. IT And certain other prisoners. Who were probably also sent to Rome for a trial before the "emperor. Dr. Lardner has proved that it was common to send prisoners

they delivered Paul a and certain other prisoners unto one named Julius, a centurion of Augustus' band.
2 And entering into a ship of Adramyttium, we launched, mean-

from Judea and other provinces to Rome. Credibility, Part 1, oh. x. § 10. pp. 248, 249. IT A centurion. A commander of a hundred men. 1T Of Augustus' band. For the meaning of the word "band," see Note, Matt, xxvii. 27. Acts x. 1. It was a division in the Roman army, consisting of from four to six hundred men. It was called "Augustus' band" in honour of the Roman emperor Augustus (Note, ch. xxv. 21), and was probably distinguished in some way for the care in enlisting or selecting them. The Augustine cohort or band is mentioned by Suetonius in his Life of Nero, 20.

2. A ship of Adramyttium. A maritime town of Mysia, in Asia Minor, opposite to the island of Lesbos. This was a ship which had been built there, or which sailed from that port, but which was then in the port of Cesarea. It is evident from ver. 6, that this ship was not expected to sail to Italy, but that the centurion expected to find some other vessel into which he could put the prisoners to take them to Rome. IT We launched. We loosed from our anchorage; or we set sail. See ch. xiii. 13. IT By the coasts of Asia. Of Asia Minor. Probably the owners of the ship designed to make a coasting voyage along the southern part of Asia Minor, and to engage in traffic with the maritime towns and cities. H One Arislarchus, a Macedodian. This man is mentioned as Paul's companion in travel in ch. xix. 29. He afterwards attended him to Macedonia, and returned with him to Asia. ch. xx. 4 He now appears to have attended him, not as a prisoner, but as a voluntary companion, choosing to share with him his dangers, and to enjoy the benefit of his society and friendship. He went with him to Rome, and was a fellow-prisoner with him there (Col. iv. 10); and is mentioned (epistle to Philemon 24) as Paul's fellow-labourer. It was, doubtless, a great comfort to Paul to have with him two such valuable friends as Luke and Aristarchus; and it was an instance of great affection for him that they were not ashamed of his bonds, but were willing to share his dangers, and to expose them

3 And ttie next day we touched at Sid on. And Julius courteously 6 entreated Paul, and gave him liberty to go unto his friends to refresh himself.
-1 And when we had launched from thence, we sailed under Cyprus, because the winds were contrary.

3. We touched at Sidon. Note, Matt. ri, 21. It was north of Cesarea. ^ And Julius courteously entreated Paul. Treated him kindly, or humanely. 1T And gave him liberty, &c. The same thing had been done by Felix, ch. xxiv. 23. IT Unto his friends. In Sidon. Paul had frequently travelled in that direction in going to, and returning from Jerusalem, and it is not improbable, therefore, that he had friends in all the principal cities. IT To refresh himself. To enjoy the benefit of their kind care, to make his present situation and his voyage as comfortable as possible. It is probable that they would furnish him with many supplies which were needful to make his long and perilous voyage comfortable.

4. We sailed under Cyprus. For an account of Cyprus, see Note, ch. iv. 36. By sailing " under Cyprus" is meant that they sailed along its coasts; they kept near to it; they thus endeavoured to break off the violent winds, [nstead of steering a direct course in the open sea, which would have exposed them to violent opposing winds, they kept near this large island, so that it was between them and the westerly winds. The force of the wind was thus broken, and the voyage rendered less difficult and dangerous. They went between Cyprus and Amu Minor, leaving Cyprus to the left Had it not been lor the strong western winds they would have left it on the right IT The winds were contrary. Were bom the west, or southwest, which thus prevented their pursuing a direct course. See the map.

these two regions. For their situation, see the map, and Notes, Acts vi 9, and xiii. 13. 'I We came to Myra. a < ity of Lycia. Lycia was a province in the 2f2

7 And when we had many days, and scare

yrainat C nidus, the wind oof Buffering as, we Bailed und<. 1 over against S dmi southwestern | an of \ta i Minor, having Phrygia and Plsidia on the north diterranean on the south, Pam| i the east, and I!aris on the west

6. A ship of Ah tandria. \ longing to Alexandria Alexandria was in bigypt, and was foqnded by Ah the Great it appears from ver. >

Why the ship was on the coast of Asia Minor, is nol ki. >W it i- probable thai it had been driven out of its way by advene winds or iua-

7. Had tailed don I a of the prevalence of the western winds, ver k ' Over againtt ( midtu. 'I west of the island off! not sufft ring u*. The wind rep in thai direi tion; not permit! on a direct course, we wen- dr.. near to < 'n te 1 Wi tailed undi;. We las- along n< ar I so a-> to bn.il. the violent s of the wind For the situation oi ii. 11. * Ch* i " •' ■ rt s; Salmone. This was the name promontory which form* d I treraity oi the i.-l ind ol * '

unto a place which is called the fair havens; nigh whereunto was the city of Lasea.
9 Now when much time was spent, and when sailing was now dangerous, because the fast ' was now already past, Paul admonished them,
10 And said unto them, Sirs, I perceive ° that this voyage will be with 2 hurt and much damage, not

9. When muck time v>as spent. In sailing along the coast of Asia; in contending with the contrary winds. It is evident, that when they started, they had hoped to reach Italy before the dangerous time of navigating the Mediterranean should arrive. But they had been detained and embarrassed contrary to their expectation, so that they were now sailing m the most dangerous and tempestuous time of the year. 1T Because the fast was noio already past. By " the fast," here is evidently intended the fast which occurred among the Jews on the great day of atonement. That was the tenth of the month Tisri, which answers to a part of September and part of October. It was therefore the time of the autumnal equinox, and when the navigation of the Mediterranean was esteemed to be particularly dangerous, from the storms which usually occurred about that time. The ancients regarded this as a dangerous time to navigate the Mediterranean. See the proofs in Kuinoel on this place. II Paul admonished them. Paul exhorted, entreated, or persuaded them. He was somewhat accustomed to the navigation of that sea; and endeavoured to persuade them not to risk the danger of sailing at that season of the year.

10. Sirs. Gr. Men. IT I perceive. It ts not certain that Paul understood this by direct inspiration. He might have perceived it from his own knowledge of th« danger of navigation at the autumnal equinox, and from what he saw of the ship as unfitted to a dangerous navigation. But there is nothing that should prevent our believing also that he was guided to this conclusion by the inspiration of the Spirit of God. Comp. ver. 23, 24. IT Will be with hurt. With injury, or hazard. It is not meant that their lives would be lost;

only of the lading and ship, but also of our lives.
11 Nevertheless, the centurion believed the master and the owner of the ship, more than those things which were spoken by Paul.
12 And because the haven was not commodious to winter in, the more part advised to depart thence also, if by any means they might attain to Phenice, and there to win-

but that they would be jeoparded. IT The lading. The freight of the ship. It was laden with wheat, ver. 38. Paul, evidently, by this, intended to suggest the propriety of remaining where they were, until the time of dangerous navigation was past.

11. The master. The captain, or the pilot. The person who is here meant, was the helmsman, who occupied, in ancient ships, a conspicuous place on the stern, and steered the ship, and gave directions to the crew. H The owner of the ship. Probably a different person from "the master." He had the general command of the ship as his own property, but had employed " the master," or the pilot, to direct and manage it. His counsel in regard to the propriety of continuing the voyage, would be likely to be followed.

12. The haven. The fair havens, ver. 8. IT Was not commodious to winter in. Not safe or convenient to remain there. Probably it furnished rather a safe anchorage ground in time of a storm, than a convenient place for a permanent harbour. IT The more part. The greater part of the crew. 1T To Phenice. This was a port or harbour on the south side of Crete, and west of the fair havens. It was a more convenient harbour, and regarded as more safe. It appears, therefore, that the majority of persons on board concurred with Paul in the belief that it was nof advisable to attempt the navigation of the sea until the dangers of the winter had passed by. IT And lieth toward. Greek, Looking toward; i. e. it was open in that direction. IT The southwest, k^t,; a;,1* Toward Lybia, or Africa. That country was situated southwest of the mouth of the harbour. The entrance of the harbour was in a southwest direction. H And ncrlhwest. Kkt* Xdec... This word denotes a wind blowing from the northwest. The harhour was doubi.h ss

13 And when the south wind blew softly, supposing that they had obtained their purpose, loosing b thence, they sailed ol Crete.
14 But not long after there ' arose against it a tempestuous c wind, called Euroclydon.

curved. Its entrance was in a BOUthwest direction. It then turned BO a* to lie in a direction towards the northwest It was thus rendered perfectly sale from the winds and heavy seas; and in that harhour they might pass the winter in security.

13. The south wind. The wind before had prohably been ahead wind, blowing from the west. When it veered round to the south, and when it blew gently, though not entirely favourable, yet it was bo that they supposed they could sail along the coast of Crete. II Had obtained their purpose. The object of their desire; that is, to sail safely along the coast of Crete. 1T Loosing thence. Setting sail from the fair havens. IT Close by Crete. Near the shore. It is evident that they designed, if possible, to make the harbour of Phenice, to winter there.

14. Arose. Beat violently. IT Agains' it. Against the island of Crete. IT A tempestuous wind. Turbulent, violent, strong. IT Called Euroclydon. Interpreters have been much perplexed about the meaning of this word, which occurs nowhere else in the New Testament. The most probable supposition i denotes a wind not blowing steadily from any quarter, but a hurricane, or wind veering about to different quarter hurricanes are known to abound in the Mediterranean, and are now ca waiters, deriving their name from chieflv in the Levant, or eastern part of the Mediterranean. The name don is derived probably from t ■ words, i5jo«, wind, and «A.«JWr, a wave; so called from its agitating ami exciting the waves. It thus ai;-\\- n!.. r effects of a hurricane, or of a wind rapidly changing its points of com;

pest. 11 Could not bear up, 6a not resist its violence, or could n the ship. It was seized by the wind, and

1? Which when they! ken up, they list d b< Ins, undergirding the ship; ami t. aril tiny should fall '' into the quick- dnven with Buch violent e thai it unmanageable. 1 \\> lei her dri\ Buffered the ship i<> be I- • the wind without attempting to - ontrol ii.

mean that they attempted here to land in the boat, but they bad much difficulty in

17. Which token they I When they had raised np the ' tlie Bhip, helps. They i chains, for the pur] ship. The danger was thai > be destroyed: and they, lh< n use of sueli ai

18 And being exceedingly tossed " with a tempest, the next day they lightened the ship.
19 And the third day we cast out * with our own hands the tackling of the ship.
20 And when neither c sun nor stars in many days appeared, and no small tempest lay on us, all hope d that we should be saved was then taken away.
21 But after long abstinence, Paul stood forth in the midst of
them, and said, Sirs, ye should have hearkened e unto me, and not have loosed f from Crete, and to have gained this harm and loss.
22 And now s I exhort you to be of good cheer: for there shall be no loss of any man's life among you, but of the ship.
23 For there stood by me this night h the angei ' of God, whose-' I am, and whom * I serve.
24 Saying, Fear not, Paul; thou roust be brought before Cesar: and, lo, God hath given thee ' all them that sail with thee.

IF Lest they should fall into the quicksands. There were two celebrated syrtes, or quicksands on the coast of Africa, called the greater and lesser. They were vast beds of sand driven up by the sea, and constantly shifting their position, so that that they could not know certainly where the "danger was, and guard against it. As they were constantly changing their position, they could not be accurately laid down in a chart. They were afraid, therefore, that they should be driven on one of those banks of sand, and thus be lost. % Si rake sail. Or rather, lowered, or took down the mast: or the yards to which the sails were attached. There has been a great variety of interpretations proposed on this passage. The most probable is, that they took down the mast, by cutting or otherwise, as is now done in storms at sea, to save the ship. They were at the mercy of the wind and waves; and their only hope was by taking away their sails. IT And so vxre driven. By the wind and waves. The ship was unmanageable, and they suffered it to be driven before the wind.

19. The tackling of the ship. The anchors, sails, cables, baggage, &c. That is, they threw over every thing that was not indispensable to its preservation, for it seems still (ver. 29) that they retained some of their anchors on board.

20. Neither sun nor stars, &G. As they could see neither sun nor stars, they could make no observations; and as they had no compass, they would be totally

21. But after long abstinence. By the violence of the storm, by their long-continued labour, and by their apprehension of danger, they had a long time abstained from food. H And to have gained this harm. To have procured this harm, or have subjected yourselves to it. Had you remained there, you would have been safe. It seems to be bad English to speak of gaining a loss, but it is a correct translation of the original (xagJijo-*/), which expresses the idea of acquiring or procuring, whether good or evil. See ver. 9, 10.

22. There shall be no loss. This must have been cheering news to those who had given up all for lost. As Paul had manifested great wisdom in his former advice to them, they might be now more disposed to listen to him. The reason why he believed they would be safe, he immediately states.

23. There stood by me. There appeared to me. IT The angel of God. The messages of God were often communicated by angels. See Heb. i. 14. This does not mean that there was any ]>arlicular angel, but simply an angel. iT Whose lam. Of the God "to whom I belong. This is an expression of Paul's entire devotedness to him. IF Whom I serve. In the gospel. To whom and to whose cause I am entirely devoted.

24. Fear not, Paul. Do not be alarmed with the danger of the loss of life. IT Thou must he brought, &c. And therefore thy life will be spared. IT God hath given thee all, &c. That is, they shall all

25 Wherefore, sirs, be of eheer; for,: 1 believe God, that it shall be even as it was told me.
26 Howbeit, we must be cast
27 But when the fourteenth light was come, as we were driven up and down in Adrii, about midnight the ahipmen deemed that they drew near to some country:
28 And sounded, and. tumid it twenty fathoms: and when they had gone a little further, they

be preserved with thee. None of their lives shall be lost. It does not mean that they should be convened; but that their lives should be preserved. Il is implied here that it was for the sake of Paul, or that the leading purpose of the divine interposition to rescue them from danger was, to save his lite. The wicked often derive important benefits from being <"unected with Christians; and God often confers important favours on them in his general purpose to benefit his own people. The lives of impenitent men are often spared because God interposes to save his own people.

27. The fourteenth rdgkU From the time when "the tempest commenced. H/n Adria. In the Adriatic sea. This sea is properly situated between Italy and Dalmatia, now called the Adriatic gulf But among the ancients the name was given not only to that gulf, but to the whole sea lying between Greece, Italy, and Africa, including the Sicilian and Ionian sea. It is evident from the narrative, that they were not in the Adriatic gulf but in the vicinity of Malta. See the map. IT Deemed. Judged. Probably by the appearance of the sea.

use of a line and lead to ascertain the depth of water. H Twenty /■>"■ fathom is six feet, or the dsstanoe from the extremity of the middle finger on one hand to the extremity of the other, when the arms are extended. The depth, therefore, was about one hundred and twenty feet. 1T Fifteen fathoms. They knew, therefore, that they were drawing near to shore.

31. I'aul fiifl to ti and the soldiers. The centurion hud. il the treneral direction of the ship y it bad been pn

and to the so.diers, Except these abide in the ship, ye cannot be saved.
32 Then the soldiers cut off the ropes of the boat, and let her fall off.
33 And while the day was coming on, Paul besought them all to take meat, saying, This day is the fourteenth day that ye have tarried, and continued fasting, having

may be determined, yet the use of the means may be indispensable. The event is rendered no more certain than the means requisite to accomplish it. (3.) That the doctrine of the divine purposes or decrees, making certain future events, does not make the use of man's agency unnecessary or improper. The means are determined as well as the end; and the one will not be secured without the other. (4.) The same is true in regard to the decrees respecting salvation. The end is not determined without the means; and as God has resolved that his people shall be saved, so he has also determined the means. He has ordained that they shall repent, shall believe, shall be holy, and shall thus be saved. (5.) We have in this case a full answer to the objection that a belief in the decrees of God will make men neglect the means of salvation, and lead to licentiousness. It has just the contrary tendency. Kere is a case in which Paul certainly believed in the purpose of God to save these men; in which he was assured that it was fully determined; and yet the effect was not to produce inattention and unconcern, but to prompt him to use strenuous efforts to accomplish the very effect which God had determined should take place. So it is always. A belief that God has purposes of mercy; that he designs, and has always designed, to save some, will prompt to the use of all proper means to secure it. If we had no evidence that God had any such purpose, effort would be vain. We should have no inducement to exertion. Where we have such evidence, it operates as it did in the case of Paul, to produce great and strenuous endeavours to secure the object.

32. Cut off the ropes, &c. It is evident that the mariners had not yet got on board the boat. They had let it down into the sea (vet 30), and were about to

34 Wherefore I pray you to take some meat; for this ° is for youi health: for there b shall not an hair fall from the head of any of you.
35 And when he had thus spoken, he took bread, and c gave thanks to God in presence of them all: and when he had broken it, he began to eat.
36 Then were they all of good

go on board. By thus cutting the ropes which fastened the boat to the ship, and letting it go, they removed all possibility of their fleeing from the ship, and compelled them to remain on board.

33. And while the day was coming on. At daybreak. It was before they had sufficient light to discern what they should do. 11 To take meat. Food. The word meat was formerly used to denote food of any kind. IT That ye have tarried. That you have remained or been fasting. IT Having taken nothing. No regular meal. It cannot mean that they had lived entirely without food; but that they had been so much in danger, so constantly engaged, and so anxious about their safety, that they had taken no regular meal; and that what they had taken had been at irregular intervals, and had been a scanty allowance. " Appian speaks of an army which for twenty days together had neither food nor sleep; by which he must mean that they neither made full meals, nor slept whole nights together. The same interpretation must he given to this phrase." (Doddridge.) The effect of this must have been, that they would be weak and exhausted; and little able to endure the fatigues which yet remained.

34. Not an hair fall from the head, &c. This is a proverbial expression, denoting that they should be preserved safe; that none of them should be lost, and that in their persons they should not experience the least damage. 1 Kings i. 52. 1 Sam. xiv. 45.

35. And gave thanks, &c. This was the usual custom among the Hebrews. See Note, Matt. xiv. 19. Paul was among those who were not Christians. But he was not ashamed of the proper acknowledgment of God, and was not afraid to avow his dependence on him, and to express his gratitude for his mercy.

37 A.nd Ave were in all in the ship, two hundred threescore and sixteen souls.
38 And when they had enough, they lightened the ship, and cast out the wheat into the sea.
39 And when it was day, they knew not the land: but they discovered a certain creek with a shore, into the which they were minded, if it were possible, to

38. They lightened the ship. By casting the wheat into the sea. As they had no hope of saving the cargo, anil" had no further use for it, they hoped that by throwing the wheat overboard, the ship would draw less water, and that thus they would be able to come nearer to the shore.

39. They knew not the land. Thev had been driven with a tempest, without being able to make any observation; and it is probable that they were entire strangers to the coast, and to the whole island. IT A certain creek with a shore. Greek, A certain bosom (xta***) or bay. By its having a shore is probably meant that it had a level shore, or one that was nicnt for landing. It was not a high bluff of rocks, but was accessible. Kuinoel thinks that the passage should be construed, "they found a certain shore, having a bay," &c. IT Were minded. Were resolved.

40. Had taken up the anchors. The four anchors with which they had moored the ship. ver. 29. See the margin. The expression may mean that they slipped or cut their cables, and that thus thev left the anchors in the tea. This is the most probable inter;'

IF And loosed the rudder-bands. The rudder in navigation is that by which a ship is steered. It is that part of the helm which consists of a piece of timber, broad at the bottom, which enters the water, and is attached by hinges to thpost on which it turns. — {Webster.) But what was the precise form of the rudder among the ancients, is not certainly known. Sometimes a vessel might be ttteered by oars. In most ships I pear to have had a rudder at the prow M well as at the stern. In some in also, they had them on the sides. The n And falling Into ■ place where two - in the ship aground; and i stuck fast, and rem lum d onmoTable, but the hinder part was broken with the violence of the waves.

planatiuns of this word. Luther trnnslates it the must. Erasmus, tA GrotiuB, who supposes thai the m had been cast awaj tins must mean tie- fbrem The word usually means the m riac and Arabii undents a small sau\ ti,.- rary pur

42 And the soldiers' counsel a was to kill the prisoners, lest any of them should swim out, and escape.
43 But the centurion, willing to save Paul, b kept them from their purpose; and commanded that they which could swim should cast themselves first into the sea, and get to land:

IT The hinder part was broken. The stern ■was broken or staved in. By this means ihe company was furnished with boards, &c, on which they were safely conveyed to the shore, ver. 44.

42. And (he soldiers' counsel, &c. Why they gave this advice is not known. It was probahly, however, because the Roman military discipline was very strict, and if they escaped, it would probably be charged on them that it had been done by the negligence and unfaithfulness of the soldiers. They therefore proposed, in a most cruel and bloodthirsty manner, to kill them, though contrary to all humanity, justice, and laws; presuming probably that it would be supposed that they had perished in the wreck. This is a remarkable proof that men can be cruel even when experiencing the tender mercy of God; and that the most affecting scenes of divine goodness will not mitigate the natural ferocity and cruelty of those who delight in bleed.

43. But the centurion, willing to save Paid. He had at first been disposed to treat Paul with kindness, ver. 3. And his conduct on board the ship; the wisdom of his advice (ver. 10); the prudence of his conduct in the agitation and danger of the tempest; and not improbably the belief that he was under the divine protection and blessing, disposed him to spare his life. IT Kept them from, their purpose. Thus, for the sake of this one righteous man, the lives of all were spared. The instance here shows, (1.) That it is possible for a pious man, like Paul, so to conduct in the various trying scenes of life — the agitations, difficulties, and temptations of this world — as to conciliate the favour of the men of this world; and, (2.) That important benefits often result to sinners from the righteous. Paul's being on board was the means of saving the lives of many prisoners; and God often confers important blessings on the wicked for the sake of the pious relatives, friends, and neighbours with whom

44 And the rest, some on boards, and some on broken pieces of the ship. And so c it came to pass that they escaped all safe to land.
A ND when they were escaped, -£*- then they knew that the island d wTas called Melita.

they are connected. Ten righteous men would have saved Sodom (Gen. xviii. 32); and Christians are in more ways than one the salt of the earth, and the light of the world. Matt, v. 13, 14. It is a privilege to be related to the friends of God — to be the children of pious parents, or to be connected with pious partners in life. It is a privilege to be connected with the friends of God in business; or to dwell near them; or to be associated with them in the various walks and dangers of life. The streams of blessings which flow to fertilize their lands, flow also to bless others; the dews of heaven which descend on their habitations, descend on all around; and the God which crowns them with loving-kindness, often fills the abodes of their neighbours and friends with the blessings of peace and salvation. IT And commanded. Probably they were released from their chains.

44. And the rest. Those who could not swim. IF They escaped all safe to land. According to the promise which was made to Paul. ver. 22. This was done by the special providence of God. It was a remarkable instance of divine interposition to save so many through so long continued dangers; and it shows that God can defend in any perils, and can accomplish all his purposes. On the ocean, or the land, we are safe in his keeping; and he can devise ways that shall fulfill all his purposes, and that can protect his people from danger. CHAPTER XXVIII.

1. They knew. Either from their former acquaintance with the island, or from the information of the inhabitants. IF Was called Melita. Now called Malta. It was celebrated formerly for producing large quantities of honey, and is supposed to have been called Melita from the Greek word, signifying honey. It is about twenty miles in length from east to west, and twelve miles in breadth from north to south, and about sixty milea in circumference It is about sixty miles

2 And the barbarous a people shewed us no little kindness: for they kindled a fire, and received us, 4 every one, because of tinpresent rain, and because el* the oold.
3 And when Paul had gathered a bundle of sticks, and laid them

from the coast of Sicily. The island is an immense rock of white soli freestone, with a covering of earlh about one foot in depth, which has been brought from the island of Sicily. There was also another island formerly called Melita, now called Mcleda, in the Adriatic 568, near the coast of Illyricum, and some have supposed that Paid wan shipwrecked on that island. But tradition has uniformly said that it was on the island now called Malta. Besides, the other Melita would have been far out of the usual track in going to Italy; and it is further evident that Malta was the place, because, from the place of his shipwreck, he went directly to Syracuse, Rhegium. and Puteoli, thus sailing in a direct course to Rome. In sailing from the other Melita to Rhegium, Syracuse would be far out of the direct course. The island now is in the possession of the British.

2. And the barbarous people. See Note, Rom. i. 14. The Greeks regarded all as barbarians who did not speak their language," and applied the name to all other nations but their own. It does not denote, as it does sometimes with us, people of savage, uncultivated, and cruel habits, but simply those whose speech was unintelligible. See 1 Cor. xiv. U. The island is supposed to have been peopled at first by the Phcecians, af.erwards by the Phoenicians, and afterwards by

Maltese was that of Africa, and hence it was called by the Greeks the I of barbarians. It was a language which was unintelligible to ihe (Jr.

3. Hail gathered a bundle of sti the purpose of making a tire. cameaviper. A poisonoos serpent Note,

Matt. in. 7. The viper was. doubtless, in the bundle of sticks or limbs of tn ei which Paul had gathered, but v. 2 G ang en his hand, they said among them No donbt r this man is a mi whom, though h( bundle was laid on liic lir.\ thl became warmed l.\- the I out, and fastened on the hand have been bj coiling roun I h and arm; or bj • in his hand. It is nol < k press afTim evidently implied; and il is wholly incredible, that a viper, unl< ■ i rs ed, should fasten himself band without I we apply usually to an annual ol size than a viper. But thl {-y.e'.nv) is applicable to an kind, and especially epplii writers to SI

*' N6 doubt. The facl thai the % i fastened on him, and that, posed, he must now the proof from whi< atrocious crime, and a- murder 9 highest i rime thai man i they inferred thai he had ' ■ i opinion thai when d.v itie overtook a man, he would in a manner similar to the as murder is committed usus hand, and as the \ i| •

: of Paul, they infi had been guilty of I were often punished In di<- ii in that part ol the instrument ol l he hath escaped the

5 And he shook off the beast into the fire, and felt a no harm.
6 Howbeit, they looked when he should have swollen, or fallen down dead suddenly: but after they had looked a great while, and saw no harm come to him, they changed their minds, and said h that he was a god.
7 In the same quarters were possessions of the chief man of the

barians reasoned from great original principles, written on the hearts of all men by nature, that there is a God of justice, and that the guilty would be punished. They reasoned incorrectly, as many do, only because that they supposed that every calamity is a judgment for some particular sin. Men often draw this conclusion.; and suppose that suffering is to be traced to some particular crime, and to be regarded as a direct judgment from heaven. See Notes, John ix. 1 — 3. The general proposition, that all sin will be punished at some time, is true; but we are not qualified to affirm of particular calamities always that they are direct judgments for sin. In some cases we may. In the case of the drunkard, the gambler, and the profligate, we cannot doubt, that the loss of property, health, and reputation is the direct result of specific crime. In the ordinary calamities of life, however, it requires a more profound acquaintance with the principles of divine government than we possess, to affirm of each instance of suffering, that it is a particular judgment for some crime. IT Yet vengeance. 'H S7xif. DiM, or justice, was represented by the heathen as a goddess, the daughter of Jupiter, whose office it was to take vengeance, or to inflict punishment for crimes. IT Suffereth not to live. They regarded him as already a dead man. They supposed the effect of the bite of the viper would be so certainly fatal, that they might speak of him as already in effect dead. Beza.

CHAP1 — Notes on the Old and New Testaments · Albert Barnes · Cloud of Witnesses