Notes on the Old and New Testaments

The only objection to the genuineness and authenticity of the first chapter, which it seems necessary to notice, is that the account of Daniel in the chapter is inconsistent with the mention of Daniel by Ezckiel. The objection substantially is, that it is improbable that the Daniel who is mentioned by Ezekiel should be one who was a cotemporary with himself, and who at that time lived in Babylon. Daniel is three times mentioned in Ezekiel, and in each case as a man of eminent piety and integrity; as one so distinguished by his virtues as to deserve to be classed with the most eminent of the patriarchs. Thus in Ezek. xiv. 14, "Though these three men, Noah, Daniel, and Job were in it, they should deliver but their own souls by their righteous ness, saith the Lord God." So again, ver. 20, " Though Noah, Daniel, and Job were in it, as I live, saith the Lord God, they shall deliver neither son nor daughter, they shall deliver but their own souls by their righteousness." And again, ch. xviii. 3, speaking of the prince of Tyre, " Behold thou art wiser than Daniel." The objection urged in respect to the mention of Daniel in these passages is substantially this — that if the account in the Book of Daniel is true, he must have been a cotemporary with Ezckiel, and must have been, when Ezekiel prophesied, a young, man; that it is incredible that he should have gained a degree of reputation which would entitle him to be ranked with Noah and Job; that he could not have been so well known as to make it natural or proper to refer to him in the same connection with those eminent men; and especially that he could not have been thus known to the prince of Tyre, as is supposed of those mentioned by Ezekiel in the passages referred to, for it cannot be presumed that a man so young had acquired such a fame abroad as to make it proper to refer to him in this manner in an address to a heathen prince. This objection was urged by Bernstein (iiber das Buch Iliob, in den Analekten Von Keil und Tzschirner, i. 3, p. 10), and it is found also in Bleek, p. 284, and De Wctte, Einl. p. 380. De Wette says that it is probable that the author of the Book of Daniel used the name of "an ancient mythic or poetic person falsely," in order to illustrate hia work.

Now, in regard to this objection, it may be remarked, (a) that, according to all the accounts which we have iu the Bible, Ezekiel and Daniel were cotemporary, and were in Babylon at th< same lime. As Daniel, however, lived a long time in Babylon after this, it is to be admitted, also, that at the period referred to by Ezekiel, he must have been comparatively a young man. But it does not follow that he might not then have had a well-known character for piety and integrity, which would muke it proper to mention his name in connection with the most eminent saints of ancient times. If the account in the Book of Daniel itself is a correct account of him, this will not be doubted, for he soon attracted attention in Babylon; he soon evinced that ex traordinary piety which made him so eminent as a man of God, and that extraordinary wisdom which raised him to the highest rank as an officer of state in Babylon. It was very soon after he was taken to Babylon that the purpose was formed to train him, and the three other selected youths, in the learning of the Chaldeans (ch. i. vs. 1-4), and that Daniel showed that he was qualified to pass the examination, preparatory to his occupying an honourable place in the court (ch. i. 18-21), and it was only iu the second year of the reign of Nebuchaunezzar that the remarkable dream occurred, the interpretation of which gave to Daniel so much celebrity, ch. ii. According to a computation of llengstenberg (Authentic des Daniel, p. 71), Daniel was taken to Babylon full ten years before the prophecy of Ezekiel, in which the first mention of him was made, and if so, there can be no real ground for the objection referred to. In that time, if the account of his extraordinary wisdom is true; if he evinced the character which it is said that he did evince — and against this there in no intrinsic improbability; and if he was exalted to office arid rank, as it is stated that he was. there can be no improbability in what Ezekiel says of him, that he had a character which made it proper that he should be classed with the most eminent men of the Jewish nation, (b) As to the objection that the name of Daniel could not have been known to the king of Tyre, as would seem to be implied in Ezek. xxviii. 3, it may be remarked, that it is not necessary to suppose that these prophecies were ever known to the king of Tyre, or that they were ever designed to influence him. The prophecies which were directed against the ancient heathen kings were uttered and published among the Hebrew people, primarily for their guidance, and were designed to furnish to them, and to others in future times, arguments for the truth of religion, though they assumed the form of direct addresses to the kings them selves. Such an imaginary appeal may have been made in this case by Ezekiel to the king of Tyre; and, in speaking of him, and of his boasted wisdom, Ezekiel may have made the compa rison which would then naturally occur to him, by mentioning him in connection with the mo&t eminent man for wisdom of that age. But, it should be said, also, that there can be no certain evidence that the name of Daniel was not known to the king of Tyre, and uo intrinsic improbability in the supposition that it was. If Daniel had at that time evinced the remark able wisdom at the court of Babylon which it is said in this book that he had; if he had been raised to that high rank which it is affirmed he had reached, there is no improbability in sup posing that so remarkable a circumstance should have been made known to the king of Tyre. Tyre was taken, by Nebuchadnezzar, B. C. 572, after a siege of thirteen years, and it is in no way improbable that the king of Tyre would be made acquainted with what occurred at tho court of the Chaldeans. The prophecy in Ezekiel, where Daniel is mentioned (ch. xxviii. 3), could not have been uttered long before Tyre was taken, and, in referring to what was to occur, it was not unnatural to mention the man most distinguished fey wisdom at the court of Babylon, and in the councils of Nebuchadnezzar, with the presumption that his name and celebrity would not be unknown to the king of Tyre, (c) As to the objection of Bernstein, that it would be im probable, if Daniel lived there, and if he was comparatively a young man, that his name would be placed between that of Noah and Job (Ezek. xiv. 14), as if he had lived before Job, it may be remarked, that there might be a greater similarity between the circumstances of Noah and Daniel than between Noah and Job, and that it was proper to refer to them in this order. But the mere circumstance of the order in which the names are mentioned cannot be adduced as a proof that one of the persons named did not exist at that time. They may have occurred in this order to Ezekiel, because, in his apprehension, that was the order in which the degree of their piety was to be estimated.

To this objection thus considered, that the mention of Daniel in connection with Noah and Job proves that Ezekiel referred to some one of ancient times, it may be further replied, that, if this were so, it is impossible to account for the fact that no such person is mentioned by any of the earlier prophets and writers. How came his name known to Ezekiel? And if there had been a patriarch so eminent as to be ranked with Noah and Job, how is it to be accounted for that all the sacred writers, up to the time of Ezekiel, are wholly silent in regard to him? And why is it that, when he mentions him, he does it as of one who was well known? The mere mention of his name in this manner by Ezekiel, proves that his character was well known to those f>r whom he wrote. Noah and Job were thus known by the ancient records; but how ffas Daniel thus known? He is nowhere mentioned in the ancient writings of the Hebrews. and if he was so well known that he could be referred to in the same way as Noah and Job, it must be either because there was some tradition in regard to him, or because he was then living, and his character was well understood by those for whom Ezekiel wrote. But there is no evidence? that there was any such tradition, and no probability that there was; and the con clusion, then, is inevitable, that he was then so well known to the Hebrews in exile, that it was proper for Ezekiel to mention him just as he did Noah and Job. If so, this furnishes the highest evidence that ho actually lived in tht time of Ezekiel; that is, in the time when this book purports to Lave been written.

This chapter is entirely historical, the prophetic portions of the book commencing -with th« second chapter. The object of this chapter seems to be to state the way in which Daniel, who subsequently acted so important a part in Babylon, was raised to so distinguished favour with the king and court. It was remarkable that a Jewish captive, and a young man, should be so honoured; that he should be admitted as one of the principal counsellors of the king, and that he should ultimately become the prime-minister of the realm; and there was a propriety that there should bo a preliminary statement of the steps of this extraordinary promotion. This chapter contains a record of the way in which the future premier and prophet was introduced to the notice of the reigning monarch, and by which his wonderful genius and sagacity were dis covered. It is a chapter, therefore, that may be full of interest and instruction to all, and especially to young men. The chapter contains the record of the following points, or steps, which led to the promotion of Daniel: —

I. The history of the Jewish captivity, as -explanatory of the reason why those who are sub sequently referred to were in Babylon. They were exiles, having been conveyed as captives to a foreign land, vs. 1, 2.

II. The purpose of the king, Nebuchadnezzar, to bring forward the principal talent to be found among the Jewish captives, and to put it under a process of training, that it might be employed at the court, vs. 3, 4. In carrying out this purpose, a confidential officer of the court, Ashpenaz, was directed to search out among the captives the most promising youths, whether by birth or talent, and to put them under a process of train ing, that they might become fully instructed in the science of the Chaldeans. What were the reasons which led to this cannot be known with certainty. They may havo been such as these: (1.) The Chaldeans had devoted themselves to science, especially to those sciences which promised any information respecting future events, the secrets of the unseen world, &c. Hence they either originated or adopted the science of astrology; they practised the arts of magic; they studied to interpret dreams; and, in general, they made use of all the means which it was then supposed could be employed to unlock the secrets of the invisible world, and to disclose the future. (2.) They could not have been ignorant of the fact, that the Hebrews claimed to have communications with God. They had doubtless hoard of their prophets, and of their being able to foretell what was to occur. This kind of knowledge would fall in with the objects at which the Chaldeans aimed, and if they could avail themselves of it, it would enable them to secure what they so ardently sought. It is probable that they considered this as a sort of permanent power which the Hebrew prophets had, and supposed that at all times, and on all subjects, they could interpret dreams, and solve the various questions about which their own magicians were so much engaged. It is not to be presumed that they had any very accu rate knowledge on the exact character of the Hebrew prophecies, or the nature of the communication which the prophets had with God; but it was not unnatural for them to suppose that this spirit of prophesy or divination would be possessed by the most noble and the most talented of the land. Hence Ashpenaz was instructed to select those of the royal familv, and those in whom there was no blemish, and who were handsome, and who were distinguished for knowledge, and to prepare them, by a suitable course, for being pre sented to the king. (3.) It may have been the purpose of the Chaldean monarch to bring forward all the talent of the realm, whether native or foreign, to be employed in the service of the government. There is no reason to suppose that there was any jealousy of foreign talent, or any reluctance to employ it in any proper way, in promoting the interests of the kingdom. As the Chaldean monarch had now in his possession the Hebrew royal family, and all the principal men that had been distinguished in Judea, it was not un natural to suppose that there might be valuable talent among them of which he might avail himself, and which would add to the splendour of his own court and cabinet. It might have been naturally supposed, also, that it would tend much to conciliate the cap tives themselves, and repress any existing impatience, or insubordination, to select tho most noble and the most gifted of them, and to employ them in the service of the go vernment; and in any questions that might arise between the government and the captive nation, it would be an advantage for the government to be able to employ native-born Hebrews in making known the wishes and purposes of the government. It was, more over, in accordance with the proud spirit of Nebuchadnezzar (see ch. iv.), to surround himself with all that would impart splendour to his own reign.

III. The method by which this talent was to be brought forward, vs. 5-7. This was by a course of living in the manner of the royal household, with the presumption that at the end of three years, in personal appearance, and in the knowledge of the language of the Chaldeans (ver. 4), they would be prepared to appear at court, and to be employed in the service to which they might be appointed.

IV. The resolution of Daniel not to corrupt himself with the viands which had been appointed for him and his brethren, ver. 8. He had heretofore been strictly temperate; he had avoided all luxurious living; he had abstained from wine; and, though now having all the means of luxurious indulgence at command, and unexpectedly thrown into the temp tations of a splendid Oriental court, he resolved to adhere steadfastly to his principles.

V. The apprehension of the prince of the eunuchs that this would be a ground of offence with his master, tho king, and that he would himself be held responsible, vs. 9, 10. This was a yery natural apprehension, as the command seems to have been positive, and as an Oriental monarch was entirely despotic. It was not unreasonable for him to whom this office wai entrusted, to suppose that a failure on his part to accomplish what he had been directed to do would be followed by a loss of place or life.

VI. The experiment, and the result, vs. 11-17. Daniel asked that a trial might be made of the effects of temperance in preparing him and his companions for presentation at court. He requested that they might be permitted, even for a brief time, yet long enough to make a fair experiment, to abstain from wine, and the other luxuries of the royal table, and that then it might be determined whether they should be allowed to continue the experiment. The result was as he had anticipated. At the end of ten days, on a fair comparison with those who had indulged in luxurious living, the benefit of their course was apparent, and they were permitted to continue this strict abstinence during the remainder of the tune which was deemed necessary for their preparation to appear at court.

VII. The presentation at court, vs. 18-21. At the end of the time appointed for preparation, Daniel and his selected companions were brought into the royal presence, and met with the most favourable reception which could have been hoped for. They were distinguished, it would seem, for beauty and manly vigour, and as much distinguished for wisdom as they were for the beauty and healthfulness of their bodily appearance. They at once took an honourable station, greatly surpassing in true wisdom and knowledge those at the court •who were regarded as skilled in the arts of divination and astrology. These years of preparation we are not to suppose were spent in merely cultivating the beauty of their personal appearance, but they were doubtless employed, under all the advantages of instruc tion, which could be afforded them, in the careful cultivation of their mental powers, and in the acquisition of all the knowledge which could be obtained under the best masters at the court of the Chaldeans. Comp. ver. 4.

N the third year of the reign of Jehoiakim king of Judah came

a Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon unto Jerusalem, and besieged it.

1. In the third year of the reign of Je- Tioiakim king of Judah came Nebuchad nezzar king of Babylon unto Jerusalem. This event occurred, according to Jahn, (History of the Hebrew Commonwealth), in the year 607 before Christ, and in the 368th year after the Revolt of the ten tribes. According to Usher, it was in the 369th year of the Revolt, and 606 B. C. The computation of Usher is the one generally received, but the difference of a year in the reckoning is not material. Comp. Michaelis, Anmerkung, zu 2 Ktin. xxiv. 1. Jehoiakim was a son of Josiah, a prince who was distinguished for his piety, 2 Kings, xxii. 2; 2 Chron. xxxv. 1-7. After the death of Josiah, the peo ple raised to the throne of Judah Jehoahaz, the younger son of Josiah, proba bly because he appeared better qualified to reign than his elder brother. 2 Kings xxiii. 30: 2 Chron. xxxvi. 1. He was a wicked prince, and, after he had been on the throne three months, he was removed by Pharaoh-nechoh, king of Egypt, who returned to Jerusalem from the conquest of Phoenicia, and placed his elder brother, Eliakim, to whom he gave the name of Jehoiakim, on the throne. 2 Kings xxiii. 34; 2 Chron. xxxvi. 4. Jehoahaz was first imprisoned in Riblah, 2 Kings, xxiii. 33, and was afterwards removed to Egypt 2 Chron. xxxvi. 4. Jehoiakim, an un worthy son of Josiah, was, in reality, aa he is represented by Jeremiah, one of the worst kings who reigned over Judah. His reign continued eleven years, and as he came to the throne B. C. 611, hia reign continued to the year 600 B. C. In the third year of his reign, after the battle of Megiddo, Pharaoh-nechoh undertook a second expedition against Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, with a numerous army, drawn in part from Western Africa, Libya, and Ethiopia. Jahn's His. Heb. Com monwealth, p. 134. This Nabopolassar, who is also called Nebuchadnezzar I., was at this time, as Berosus relates, aged and infirm. He therefore gave up a part of his army to his son Nebuchadnezzar, who defeated the Egyptian host at Carchemish (Circesium) on the Euphrates, and drove Necho out of Asia. The victorious prince marched directly to Jerusalem, which was then under the sovereignty of Egypt. After a short siege Jehoiakim surrendered, and was again placed on the throne by the Babylonian prince. Ne buchadnezzar took part of the furniture of the temple as booty, and carried back with him to Babylon several young men, the sons of the principal Hebrew nobles, among whom were Daniel and his three friends referred to in this chapter. It ia not improbable that one object in con veying thorn to Babylon was that they

2 And the LORD gave Jehoiakim king of Judah into his hand, with

part of the ressels of the house of God: which he carried into the land

might be hostages for the submission and good order of the Hebrews in their own land. It is at this timp that the Baby lonian sovereignty over Judah commences, commonly called the Babylonian cap tivity, which, according to the prophecy of Jeremiah, xxv. 1-14, xxix. 10, was to continue seventy years. In Jer. xxv. 1, and xlvi. 2, it is said that this was in the fourth year of Jehoiakim. In the passage before us it is said that it was the third year. This difference, says Jahn, arises from a different mode of computation. "Jehoiakim came to the throne at the end of the year, which Jeremiah reckons as the first (and such a mode of reckon ing is not uncommon), but Daniel neglect ing the incomplete year, numbers one less." For a more full and complete ex amination of the objection to the genuine ness of Daniel from this passage, I would refer to Prof. Stuart on Daniel, Excursus, 1. pp. 19-30. ^f And besieged it. Jerusa lem was a strongly fortified place, and it was not easy to take it, except as the re sult of a sie^. It was, perhaps, never carried by dire;, b and immediate assault. Comp. 2 Kings xxv. 1-3, for an account of a siege of Jerusalem a second time by Nebuchadnezzar. At that time the city was besieged about a year and a half. How long the siege here referred to con tinued is not specified.

2. And the Lord gave Jehohiakim kinj of Judah into his hand. Jehoiakim was taken captive, and it would seem that there was an intention to convey him to Babylon (2 Chron. xxxvi. 6), but that for some cause he was not removed there, but died at Jerusalem (2 Kings xxiv. 5, 6), though he was not honourably buried there. Jer. xxii. 19, xxxvi. 30. In the Second Book of Chronicles (xxxvi. 6), it is said that " Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon came up, and bound Jehoia kim in fetters to take him to Babylon." Jahn supposes that an error has crept into the text in the Book of Chronicles, as there is no evidence that Jehoiakim was taken to Babylon, but it appears from 2 Kings xxiv. 1, 2, that Jehoiakim was continued in authority at Jerusalem under Nebuchadnezzar three years, and then re belled against him, and that then Nebu chadnezzar sent against him " bands of the Chaldees, and bands of the Syrians, and bands of the Moabites, and bands of the children of Ammon, and sent them against Judah to destroy it." There is no necessity of supposing an error in the text in the account in the Book of Chron icles. It is probable that Jehoiakim was taken, and that the intention was to take him to Babylon, according to the account in Chronicles, but that, from some cause not mentioned, the purpose of the Chal dean monarch was changed, and that he was placed again over Judah, under Ne buchadnezzar, according to the account in the Book of Kings, and that he re mained in this condition for three yeara till he rebelled, and that then the bands of Chaldeans, Ac., were sent against him. It is probable that at this time, perhaps while the siege was going on, he died, and that the Chaldeans dragged his dead body out of the gates of the city, and left it unburied, as Jeremiah had predicted. Jer. xxii. 19, xxxvi. 30. ^With part of the vessels of the house of God. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 7. Another portion of the vessels of the temple at Jerusalem had been taken away by Nebuchadnezzar, in the time of Jehoiachin, the successor of Jehoiakim. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 10. On the third invasion of Palestine, the same thing had been repeated on a more ex tensive scale. 2 Kings xxiv. 13. At the fourth and final invasion, under Zedekiah, when the temple was destroyed, all its treasures were carried away. 2 Kings, xxv. 6-20. A part of these treasures were brought back under Cyrus, Ezra L 7; the rest under Darius, Ezra vi. 5. Why they were not all taken away at first does not appear, but perhaps Nebuchadnezzar did not then intend wholly to overthrow the Hebrew nation, but meant to keep them tributary to him as a people. The temple was not at that time destroyed, but pro bably he allowed the worship of Jehovah to be celebrated there still, and he would naturally leave such vessels as were abso lutely necessary to keep up the services of public worship <[ Which he carried into the land of Shinar. The region around Babylon. The exact limits of this country are unknown, but it probably embraced the region known as Mesopotamia — the coun try between the rivers Tigris and Eu phrates. The derivation of the name Shinar is unknown. It occurs only in of Shinar to the house of his god; nnd he brought the vessels into the treasure-house of his god.

3 If And the king spake unto Ash penaz the master of his eunuchs, that he should bring certain of the

Gen. x. 10, xi. 2, xiv. 1, 9j Josh. vii. 21; Isa. xi. 11; Dan. i. 2; Zech. v. 11. 1 To the house of his God. To the temple of Bel, at Babylon. This was a temple of great magnificence, and the worship of Bel was celebrated there with great splendour. For a description of this temple, and of the god which was wor shipped there, see Notes on Isa. xlvi. 1. These vessels were subsequently brought out at the command of Belshazzar, at his celebrated feast, and employed in the con viviality and revelry of that occasion. Sec Dan. v. 3. ^[ And he brought the ves sels into the treasure-house of his god. It would seem from this that the vessels had been taken to the temple of Bel, or Belus, in Babylon, not to be used in the worship of the idol, but to be laid up among the valuable treasures there. As the temples of the gods were sacred, and were re garded as inviolable, it would be natural to make them the repository of valuable spoils and treasures. Many of the spoils of the Romans were suspended around the walls of the temples of their gods, particularly in the Temple of Victory. Comp. Eschenberg, Manual of Class. Lit. P. iii. £ 149, 150.

3. And the king spake unto Ashpenaz the master of his eunuchs. On the general reasons which may have influenced the king to make the selection of the youths here mentioned, see the analysis of the chapter. Of Ashpenaz, nothing more ia known than is stated here. Eunuchs were then, as they are now, in constant employ in the harems of the East, and they often rose to great influence and power. A large portion of the glares em ployed at the courts in the East, and in the houses of the wealthy, are eunuchs. Comp. Burckhardt's Travels in Nubia, pp. 294, 295. They are regarded as the guardians of the female virtue of the harem, but their situation gives them great influence, and they often rise high in the favour of their employers, and often become the principal officers of the

court. " The chief of the black eunuchs is yet, at the court of the Sultan, which is arranged much in accordance with the ancient court of Persia, an officer of the highest dignity. He is called Kislar-Aga, the overseer of the women, and is the chief of the black eunuchs, who guard the harem, or the apartments of the females. The Kislar-Aga enjoys, through his situa tion, avast influence, especially in regard to the offices of the court, the principal Agas deriving their situations through him."

See Jos. von Hammers des Osmanischen Reichs Staatsverwalt, Th. i. s. 71, as quoted in Rosenmiiller's Alte und neue Morgenland, ii. 357, 348. The following cuts, from Assyrian marbles, will illustrate tho usual appearance of these officers. That it is common in the East to desire that those employed in public service should have vigorous bodies, and beauty of form, and to train them for this, will be apparent from tho following extract:

" Curtius says, that in all barbarous or uncivilized countries, the stateliness of the body is held in great veneration; nor do they think it capable of great services or action to whom nature has not vouchsafed t4) give a beautiful form and aspect. If

children a of Israel, and of the king's seed, and of the princes;

has always been the custom of eastern nations to choose such for their principal officers, or to wait on princes and great personages. Sir Paul Ricaut observes, 'That the youths that are designed for the great oflices of the Turkish empire, must be of admirable features and looks, well-shaped in their bodies, and without any defect of nature; for it is conceived that a corrupt and sordid soul can scarcely inhabit in a serene and ingenious aspect; and I have observed, not only in the seraglio, but also in the courts of great men, their personal attendants have been of comely lusty youths, well-habited, de porting themselves with singular modesty and respect to the presence of their masters; so that when a Pascha Aga Spahi travels, he is always attended with a comely equipage, followed by nourish ing youths, well-clothed, and mounted, in great numbers.'" — Burder. This may

serve to explain the reason of the arrange ment made in respect to these Hebrew youths. <[[ That he should briny certain of the children of Israel. Heb. 'of the sons of Israel.' Nothing can with cer tainty be determined respecting their age by the use of this expression, for the phrase means merely the descendants of Jacob, or Israel, that is, Jews, and it would be applied to them at any time of life. It would seem, however, from sub sequent statements, that those who were selected were young men. It is evident that young men would be better qualified for the object contemplated — to be trained in the language and the sciences of the Chaldeans (ver. 4) — than those who were at a more advanced period of life. 1[ And of the king's seed, and of the princes. That the most illustrious, and the most promising of them were to be selected; those who would be most adapted to ac complish the object which he had in view. Comp. the Analysis of the chapter. It is probable that the king presumed, that among the royal youths who had been made captive, there would be found those of most talent, and of course those best qualified to impart dignity and honor to his government, as well as those who would be most likely to be quali fied to make known future events by the interpretation of dreams, and by 8*

4 Children in whom was no blem ish, but well-favoured, and skilful in all wisdom, and cunning in knowl-

tho prophetic intimations of the divine will.

— BTO1 — is different from that which is rendered children in ver. 3 — 3>J3. That word denotes merely that they were sons, or descendants, of Israel, without imply ing anything in regard to their age; the word here used would be appropriate only to those who were at an early period of life, and makes it certain that the king meant that those who were selected should be youths. Comp. Gen. iv. 23, where the word is rendered "a young man." It is sometimes, indeed, used to denote a. son, without reference to age, and is then synonymous with t3, ben, a son. But it properly means one born: that is, recently born; a child, Gen. xxi. 8; Ex. i. 17, ii. 3; and then one in early life. There can be no doubt that the monarch meant to designate youths. So the Vulgate, pueroa, and the Greek, vtaviaKo\^, and so the Syriac. All these words would be ap plicable to those who were in early life, or to young men. Comp. Intro, to Daniel, g 1. The word blemish refers to bodily defect or imperfection. The object was to select those who were most perfect in form, perhaps partly because it was sup posed that beautiful youth would most grace the court, and partly because it was supposed that such would be likely to have the brightest intellectual endow ments. It was regarded as essential to personal beauty to be without blemish. 2 Sam. xiv. 25: "But in all Israel there was none to be so much praised as Absa lom for beauty; from the sole of his feet, even to the crown of his head there was no blemish in him." Cant. iv. 7: " Thou art all fair, my love; there is no spot in thee." The word is sometimes used in a moral sense, to denote corruption of heart or life (Deut. xxxii. 5; Job xi. 15, xxxi. 7), but that is not the meaning here. ^ But well-favoured. Heb. ' good of appearance;' that is, beautiful. r\ And skilful in all wisdom. Intelligent, wise, that is, in all that was esteemed wise in their own country. The object was, to bring forward the most talented and in

edge, and understanding science, and such as had ability in them to stand in the king's palace, and whom they might teach the learn ing and the tongue of the Chal- Ueans.

telligent, as well as the most beautiful, among the Hebrew captives. ^[ And cun ning in all knowledge. In all that could be known. The distinction between the word here rendered knowledge — rjjl — and the word rendered science — P;JP — is not apparent. Both come from the word jnj, to knotc, and would be applicable to any kind of knowledge. The word rendered cunning is also derived from the same root, and means knowing, or skilled in. We more commonly apply the word to a particular kind of knowledge, mean ing artful, shrewd, astute, sly, crafty, de signing. But this was not the meaning of the word when the translation of the Bible was made, and it is not employed in that sense in the Scriptures. It is always used in a good sense, meaning intelligent, skilful, experienced, well-in structed. Comp. Gen. xxv. 27; Ex. xxvi. 1, xxviii. 15, xxxviii. 23; 1 Sam. xvi. 16; 1 Chron. xxv. 7; Ps. cxxxvii. 5; Isa. iii. 3. ^[ And understanding science. That is, the sciences which prevailed among the He brews. They were not a nation dis tinguished for science, in the sense in which that term is now commonly un derstood — embracing astronomy, chemis try, geology, mathematics, electricity, <fcc., but their science extended chiefly to mu sic, architecture, natural history, agricul ture, morals, theology, war, and the knowledge of future events; in all which they occupied an honourable distinction among the nations. In many of these respects they were, doubtless, far in advance of the Chaldeans, and it was probably the purpose of the Chaldean monarch to avail himself of what they knew, ^f And such as had ability in them to stand in the king's palace. Heb. ' had strength' — D ^. Properly meaning, who had strength of body for the service which would be required of them in at tending on the court. "A firm consti tution of body is required for those protracted services of standing in the hall of the royal presence." — Grotius. The word palace here — ^D — is com monly used to denote the temple. 2 Kings xxiv. 13; 2 Chron. iii. 17; Jer. 1. 28;

Hag. ii. 15. Its proper and primitive sig nification, however, is a large and magnifi cent building — a palace — and it was given to the temple as the palace of Jehovah, the abode where he dwelt as king of his people. ^[ And whom they might teach. That they might be better qualified for the duties to which they might be called. The purpose was, doubtless (see Analysis), to bring forward their talent, that it might contribute to the splendour of the Chal dean court; but as they were, doubtless, ignorant, to a great extent, of the lan guage of the Chaldeans, and as there were sciences in which the Chaldeans were supposed to excel, it seemed de sirable that they should ha,ve all the advantage which could be derived from a careful training under the best masters.

1 The learning. 1 p?. Literally, wri ting. Isa. xxix. 11, 12. Gescnius sup poses that this means the writing of the Chaldeans; or that they might be able to read the language of the Chaldeans. But it, doubtless, included the knowledge of what was written, as well as the ability to read what was written; that is, the pur pose was to instruct them in the sciences which were understood among the Chal deans. They were distinguished chiefly for such sciences as these: (1.) Astrono my. This science is commonly supposed to have had its origin on the plains of Babylon, and it was early carried there to as high a degree of perfection as it attained in any of the ancient nations. Their mild climate, and their employ ments as shepherds, leading them to pass much of their time at night under the open heavens, gave them the opportunity of observing the stars, and they amused themselves in marking their positions and their changes, and in mapping out the heavens in a variety of fanciful figures, now called constellations. (2.) Astrology. This was at first a branch of astronomy, or was almost identical with it, for the stars were studied principally to endeavour to ascertain what influence they exerted over the fates of men, and especially what might be predicted from their position on the birth of an indi vidual, as to his future life. Astrology was then deemed a science whose lawa were to bo ascertained in the same way as the laws of any other science; and the world has been slow to disabuse itself of the notion that the stars exert an influence over the fates of men. Even Lord Bacon held that it was a science to be "re formed" not wholly rejected. (3.) Ma gic; soothsaying: divination; or whatever would contribute to lay open the future, or disclose the secrets of the invisible world. Hence they applied themselves to the interpretation of dreams; they made '.use of magical arts, probably employing, as magicians do, some of the ascertained results of science in producing optical illusions, impressing the vulgar with the belief that they were familiar with the secrets of the invisible world; and hence the name Chaldean and magician became almost synonymous terms. Ch. ii. 2, iv. 7, v. 7. (4.) It is not improbable that they had made c ovances in other sciences, but of this we have little knowledge. They knew little of the true laws of astronomy, geology, chemistry, electri city, mathematics; and in these, and in kindred departments of science, they may be supposed to have been almost wholly ignorant. ^[ And the tongue of the Chal deans. In regard to the Chaldeans, see Notes on Job i. 17, and Isa. xxiii. 13. The kingdom of Babylon was composed mainly of Chaldeans, and that kingdom was called " the realm of the Chaldeans." Dan. ix. 1. Of that realm, or kingdom, Babylon was the capital. The origin of the Chaldeans has been a subject of great perplexity, on which there is still a con siderable variety of opinions. According to Ileeren they came from the North; by Gesenius they are supposed to have come from the mountains of Kurdistan; and by Micb.aelis from the Steppes of Scythia. They seem to have been an extended race, and probably occupied the whole of the region adjacent to what became Bab ylonia. Heeren expresses his opinion as to their origin in the following language:

" It cannot be doubted, that, at some remote period, antecedent to the com mencement of historical records, one mighty race possessed these vast plains, varying in character according to the country which they inhabited; in the deserts of Arabia, pursuing a nomad life; in Syria, applying themselves to agricul ture, and taking up settled abodes; in Babylonia, erecting the most magnificent cities of ancient times; and in Phoenecia,

opening the earliest ports, and construct ing fleets, which secured to them the commerce of the known world." There

exists at the present time, in the vicinity of the Bahreia Islands, and along the Persian gulf, in the neighbourhood of the Astan river, an Arab tribe, of the name of the Beni Khaled, who are pro bably the same people as the Gens Chaldei of Pliny, and doubtless the descendants of the ancient race of the Chaldeans. On the question when they became a king dom, or realm, making Babylon their capital, see Notes on Isa. xxiii. 13. Com pare, for an interesting discussion of the subject, Forster's Historical Geography of Arabia, vol. i. pp. 49-56. The lan guage of the Chaldeans, in which a con siderable part of the Book of Daniel is written (see the Intro, g 4, III.), diffored from the Hebrew, though it was a b;.;!n-h of the same Aramsen family of languages. It was, indeed, very closely allied to the Hebrew, but was so different that those who were acquainted with only one of the two languages could not understand the other. Comp. Neh. viii. 8. Both were the offspring of the original Shemitish language. This original language may be properly reduced to three great branches: (I.) The Aramaean, which prevailed in Syria, Babylonia, and Mesopotamia; and which may, therefore, be divided into the Syriac or West-Aramasn, and the Chaldee or Kast-Aramsen, called after the Babylon ish Aramoen. (2.) The Hebrew, with which the fragments of the Phoenician coincide. (3.) The Arabic, under which belongs the Ethiopic as a dialect. The Aramaen, which, after the return from the Bab ylonish captivity, was introduced into Palestine, and which prevailed in the time of the Saviour, is commonly called the Syro-Chaldaic, because it was a mix ture of the Eastern and Western dialects. The Chaldee, or Ea,st Aramaen, and the Hebrew, had, in general, the same stock of original words, but they differed in several respects, such as the following: (a) Many words of the old primitive language which had remained in one dialect had been lost in the other. (6) The same word was current in both dialects, but in different significations, because in the one it re tained the primitive signification, while in the other it had acquired a different meaning, (c) The Babylonian dialect had borrowed expressions from the Northern Chaldeans, who had made various irrup-

5 And the king appointed them a daily provision of the king's meat, and of the wine a which he drank:

tions into the country. These expressions were foreign to the Shemitish dialects, and belonged to the Japhetian language, which prevailed among the Armenians, the Medes, the Persians, and the Chal deans, who were probably related to these. Traces of these foreign words are found in the names of the officers of state, and in expressions having reference to the government, (d) The Babylonian pro nunciation was more easy and more sonorous than the Hebrew. It exchanged the frequent sibilants of the Hebrew, and the other consonants which were hard to pronounce, for others which were less dif ficult; it dropped the long vowels which were not essential to the forms of words; it preferred the more sonorous A to the long 0, and assumed at the end of nouns, in order to lighten the pronunciation, a prolonged auxiliary vowel (the so called emphatic N); it admitted contractions in pronouncing many words, and must have been, as the language of common life, far better adapted to the sluggish Orientals than the harsher Hebrew. See an article " On the Prevalence of the Araniaoan Lan guage in Palestine in the age of Christ and the Apostles," by Henry F. Pfannkuche, in the Biblical Repository, vol. i. pp. 318, 319. On this verse, also, comp. Notes on Isa. xxxix. 7.

5. And the king appointed them. Cal vin supposes that this arrangement was resorted to in order to render them ef feminate, and, by a course of luxurious living, to induce them gradually to forget their own country, and that with the same view their names were changed. But there is no evidence that this was the object. The purpose was manifestly to train them in the manner in which it was supposed they would be best fitted, in bodily health, in personal beauty, and in intellectual attainments, to a,ppear at court, and it was presumed that the best style of living which the realm furnished would conduce to this end. That the design was not to make them effeminate, is apparent from vor. 15. f A daily pro vision. Hob. ' The thing of a day in his Jay;' that is, he assigned to them each day a portion of what had been prepared for the royal meal. It was not a per-

so nourishing them three years, that at the end thereof they might stand before the king.

manent provision, but one which was made each day. The word rendered "provision" — HB — path, means a bit, crumb, morsel. Gen. xviii. 5; Judges xix. 5; Ps. cxlvii. 17. ^ Of the king's meat. The word meat here means food, as it does uniformly in the Bible, the old English word having this signification when the translation was made, and not being limited then, as it is now, to animal food. The word in the original — J? — bag, is of Persian origin, meaning food. The two words are frequently compound ed— 12I?V— path-bag (Dan. i. 5, 8, 13, 15, 16, xi. 26), and the compound means delicate food, dainties; literally, ' food of the father;' i. e. the king; or, according to Lorsbach, in Archiv f. Morgenl. Litt. II. 313, food for idols, or the gods; — in either case denoting delicate food; lux urious living. Gesenius, Lex. ^ And of the wine which he drank. Marg., of his drink. Such wine as the king was ac customed to drink. It may be presumed that this was the best kind of wine. From anything that appears, this was furnished to them in abundance; and with the leisure which they had, they could hardly be thrown into stronger temptation tc excessive indulgence. f *S'o nourishing them three years. As long as was sup posed to be necessary in order to develop their physical beauty and strength, and to make them well acquainted with the language and learning of the Chaldeans. The object Avas to prepare them to give as much dignity and ornament to the court as possible. ^ That at the end thereof they might stand before the king. Notes, ver. 4. On the arrangements made to bring forward these youths, the editor of the Pictorial Bible makes the follow ing remarks, showing the correspondence between these arrangements and what usually occurs in the East: " There is not

a single intimation which may not be illustrated from the customs of the Turk ish seraglio, till some alterations were made in this, as in other matters, by the present Sultan [Mahmoud], The pages of the seraglio, and officers of the court, as well us the greater part of the public

6 Now among these were of the children of Judah, Daniel, Hana-

functionaries and governors of provinces, were originally Christian boys, taken cap tive in war, or bought or stolen in time of peace. The finest and most capable of these were sent to the palace, and if accepted, were placed under the charge of the chief of the white eunuchs. The lads did not themselves become eunuchs; which we notice because it has been erroneously inferred, that Daniel and the other He brew youths must have been made eunuchs, because they were committed to the care of the chief eunuch. The accepted lads were brought up in the religion of their masters; and there were schools in the palace where they received such com plete instruction in Turkish learning and science as it was the lot of few others to obtain. Among their accomplishments we find it mentioned, that the greatest pains were taken to teach them to speak the Turkish language (a foreign one to them) with the greatest purity, as spoken at court. Compare this with, ' Teach them the learning and tongue of the Chal deans.' The lads were clothed very neatly, and well, but temperately, dieted. They slept in large chambers, where there were rows of beds. Every one slept separately; and between every third or fourth bed lay a white eunuch, who served as a sort of guard, and was bound to keep a careful eye upon the lads near him, and report his observations to his superior. When any one of them arrived at a proper age they were instructed in military ex ercises, and pains taken to make them active, robust, and brave. Every one, also, according to the custom of the country, was taught some mechanical or liberal art, to serve him as a resource in adversity. When their education was completed in all its branches, those who had displayed the most capacity and valour, were employed about the person of the king, and the rest given to the service of the treasury, and the other offices of the extensive establishment to which they belonged. In due time the more talented or successful young men got

which give them access to the private apartments of the seraglio, so that they at almost any time could see and speak to government of provinces and to military commands; and it has often happened that favourite court officers have stepped at once into the post of grand vizier, or chief minister, and other high offices of state, without having previously been abroad in the world as pashas and mili tary commanders. How well this agrees to and illustrates the usage of the Bab ylonian court, will clearly appear to the reader without particular indication. See Habesci's ' Ottoman Empire;' Tavernier's ' Relation de 1'Interieur du Serail du Grand Seigneur.'"

6. Now among these were of the children of Judah. That is, these were a part of those who were selected. They are men tioned because they became so prominent in the transactions which are subsequent ly recorded in this book, and because they evinced such extraordinary virtue in the development of the principles in which they had been trained, and in the remarkable trials through which they were called to pass. It does not appear that they are mentioned here particularly on account of any distinction of birth, or rank; for though they were among the noble and promising youth of the land, yet it is clear that others of the same rank and promise also were selected. Ver. 3. The phrase "the children of Judah" is only another term to denote that they were Hebrews. They belonged to the tribe, or the kingdom of Judah.

^[ Daniel. This name — • N'ji — means properly judge of God; that is, one who acts as judge in the name of God. Why this name was given to him is not known. We cannot, however, fail to be struck with its appropriateness, as the events of his life showed. Nor is it known whether he belonged to the royal family, or to the nobles of the land, but as the selection was made from that class it is probable. Those who were at first carried into cap tivity were selected exclusively from the more elevated classes of society, and there is every reason to believe that promoted to the various high court offices Daniel belonged to a family of rank and consequence. The Jews say that he was of the royal family, and was descended from Hezekiah, and cite his history in their great master. This advantage soon I confirmation of the prophecy addressed paved the way for their promotion to the! by Isaiah to that monarch, " Of thy son*

7 Unto whom the prince of the eunuchs gave names: for he gave unto Daniel the name of a Belteshaz-

which shall issue from thee, which thou shalt beget, shall they take away; and they shall bo eunuchs in the palace of the king of Babylon." Isa. xxxix. 7. Comp. Intro. § 1. ^[ Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah. Of the rank, and early history of these young men, nothing is known. They became celebrated for their refusal to worship the golden image set up by Nebuchadnezzar. Ch. iii. 12. seq.

7. Unto whom the prince of the eunuchs gave names. This practice is common in Oriental courts. " The captive youths referred to in the Notes on ver. 5, in the Turkish court also receive new names, that is, Mohammedan names, their former names being Christian." P-ict. Bible. It is possible that this changing of their names may have been designed to make them forget their country, and their re ligion, and to lead th»m more entirely to identify themselves with the people in whose service they are now to be em ployed, though nothing of this is inti mated in the history. Such a change, it is easy to conceive, might do much to make them feel that they were identified with the people among whom they were adopted, and to make them forget the customs and opinions of their own coun try. It is a circumstance which may give some additional probability to this sup position, that it is quite a common thing now at missionary stations to give new names to the children who are taken into the boarding-schools, and especially the names of the Christian benefactors at whoso expense they are supported. Comp. also Gen. xli. 45. Another reason, of the same general character, for this change. of names may have been, that the name of the true God constituted a part of their own names, and that thus they were constantly reminded of him and his worship. In the new names given them, the appellation of some of the idols wor shipped in Babylon was incorporated, and this might serve as remembrancers of the divinities to whose service it was doubt less the intention to win them, ^f For he gave unto Daniel the name Belteshazzar. The name Belteshazzar — •vsx'tftpta — is compounded of two words, and means,

zar, and to Hananiah, of Shadrach: and to Mishael, of Meshach; and to Azariah, of Abed-nego.

according to Gesenius, Bel's prince, that is, he whom Bel favours. Bel was the principal divinity worshipped at Babylon (Notes, Isa. xlvi. 1), and this name would, therefore, be likely to impress the youth ful Daniel with the idea that he was a favourite of this divinity, and to attract him to his service. It was a flattering distinction that he was one of the favour ites of the principal god worshipped in Babylon, and this was not improbably designed to turn his attention from the God whose name had been incorporated in his own. The giving of this name seemed to imply, in the apprehension of Nebuchadnezzar, that the spirit of the gods was in him on whom it was conferred. See ch. iv. 8, 9. ^ And to Hananiah, of Shadrach. The name Hananiah — nvun __ means, "Whom Jehovah has graciously given," and is the same with Ananias (Gr., Avaj/taj), and would serve to remind its possessor of the name of Jehovah, and of his mercy. The name

Shadrach — "IT!*? — according to Lorsbach, means young friend of the king; ac cording to Bohlen, it means rejoicing in the way, and this last signification is the one which Gesenius prefers. In either signifi cation it would con tribute to aforgetfulness of the interesting significancy of the former name, and tend to obliterate the remem brance of the early training in the ser vice of Jehovah. ^[ And to Mishael, of

Meshach. The name Mishael— V-TQ — means who is what God is? — from SP, who, V, what, and SN, God. It would thus be a remembrance of the greatness of God; of his supremacy over all his creatures, and of his 'nconiparable ex altation over the universe. The significa tion of the name Meshach— "HP*0? — is less known. The Persian word means ovicula, a little sheep (Gesenius), but why this name was given we are not informed. Might it have been on ac count of his beauty, his gentleness, hia lamb-like disposition? If so, nothing perhaps would be better fitted to turn away the thoughts from the Great God,

8 flBut Daniel purposed in his heart that ho would not defile him self with the portion a of the kinj

and his service, to himself, ^ And t Azariah, <>f Abcd-nego. The name Azariuh from "MJ? to help, and ^J, the same as Jehovah. This name, therefore, had a striking significancy, and would be a con stant remembrancer of the true God, and of the value of his favour and protection.

The name Abed-neno — i •* J 1 3 _v — means, a servant of Neyo, or perhaps of Nebo — 1 2 3. This Avord (Nebo), among the Chal deans, probably denoted the planet Mer cury. This planet was worshipped by them, and by the Arabs, as the celestial scribe, or writer. See Notes on Isa. xlvi. 1. The divine worship paid to this planet by the Chaldeans is attested, says Gesenius, by the many compound proper names of which this name forms a part; as Nebuchadnezzar, Nebushasban, and others mentioned in classic writers; as Nabonedus, Nabonassar, Nabonabus, <tc. This change of name, therefore, was de signed to denote a consecration to the service of this idol-god, and the change was eminently adapted to make him to whom it was given forget the true God to whom, in earlier days, he had been devoted. It was only extraordinary grace which could have kept these youths in the paths of their early training, and in the faithful service of that God to whom they had been early consecrated, amidst the temptations by which they were now surrounded in a foreign land, and the influences which were employed to alien ate them from the God of their fathers.

8. But Daniel purposed in his heart. Evidently in concurrence with the youths who had been selected with him. See vs. 11-13. Daniel, it seems, formed this as a decided purpose, and meant to carry it into effect as a matter of principle, though he designed to secure his object, if possible, by making a request that he might be allowed to pursue that course (ver. 11), and wished not to give offence, or to provoke opposition. What would have been the result if he had not ob tained permission, we know not, but the probability is, that he would have thrown

meat, nor with the wine which he drank: therefore he requested of the prince of the eunuchs that he might not defile himself.

himself upon the protection of God, as he afterwards did (ch. vi.), and would have done what he considered to be duty, re gardless of consequences. The course which he took saved him from the trial, for the prince of the eunuchs was willing to allow him to make the experiment, ver. 14. It is always better, even where there is decided principle, and a settled purpose in a matter, to obtain an object by a peaceful request, than to attempt to secure it by violence. ^ That he would not defile himself 'with the y>ortiftn of the kiny's meat. Notes, ver. 5. The word which is rendered defile himself — Sx |jp> — from "?NJ — is commonly used in con nection with redemption, its first and usual meaning being to redeem, to ran som. In later Hebrew, however, it means, to be defiled; to be polluted; to be un clean. The connection between these sig nifications of the word is not apparent, unless, as redemption was accomplished with the shedding of blood, rendering the place where it was shed defiled, the idea came to be permanently attached to the word. The defilement here referred to in the case of Daniel, probably was, that by partaking of this food he might, in some way, be regarded as countenancing idolatry, or as lending his sanction to a mode of living which was inconsistent with his principles, and which was peril ous to his health and morals. The Syriac renders this simply, that he would not eat, without implying that there would be defilement, ^ Nor with the wine iclnch he drank. As being contrary to his prin ciples, and perilous to his morals and happiness. ^[ Therefore lie requested of the prince of the eunuchs that he might not defile himself. That he might be per mitted to abstain from the luxuries set before him. It would seem from this, that he represented to the prince of the eunuchs the real danger which he appre hended, or the real cause why he wished to abstain — that he would regard the use of these viands as contrary to the habits which he had formed; as a violation of the principles of his religion; and as, iu his circumstances, wrong as well as peril ous. This he presented as a request. He asked it, therefore, as a favour, prefering to use mild and gentle means for securing the object, rather than to put. himself in the attitude of open resistance to the wishes of the monarch. What reasons influenced him to choose this course, and to ask to be permitted to live on a more temperate and abstemious diet, •we are not informed. Assuming, how ever, what is apparent from the whole narrative, that he had been educated in the doctrines of the true religion, and in the principles of temperance, it is not difficult to conceive what reasons would influence a virtuous youth in such circum stances, and we cannot be in much dan ger of error in suggesting the following: (1.) It is not improbable that the food •which was offered him had been, in some way, connected with idolatry, and that his participation in it would be construed as countenancing the worship of idols. Cull-in. It is known that a part of the animals offered in sacrifice was sold in the market; and known, also, that splendid entertainments were often made in honour of particular idols, and on the sacrifices which had been offered to them. Comp. 1 Cor. viii. Doubtless, also, a considerable part of the food which was served up at the royal table consisted of articles which, by the Jewish law, were prohibited as unclean. It was represented by the pro phets, as one part of the evils of a cap tivity in a foreign land, that the people would be under a necessity of eating that which was regarded as unclean. Thus, in Ezekiel iv. 13: " And the Lord said, Even thus shall the children of Israel eat their defiled bread among the Gentiles, whither I will drive them." Hosea ix. 3: " They shall not dwell in the Lord's land, but Ephraim shall return to Egypt; and shall eat unclean things in Assyria." Rosenmiiller remarks on this passage (Alte u. neue Morgenland, 1076), "It was cus tomary among the ancients to bring a portion of that which was eaten and drank as an offering to the gods, as a sign of thankful recognition that all which men enjoy is their gift. Among the Ro mans these gifts were called libamina, so that with each meal there was connected an act of offering. Hence Daniel and his friends regarded that which was brought from the royal table as food which had been offered to the gods, and therefore as impure." (2.) Daniel and his friends were, doubtless, restrained from partaking of the food and drink offtred to them by a regard to the principles of temperance in which they had been educated, and by a fear of the consequences which would follow from indulgence. They had evi dently been trained in the ways of strict temperance. But now new scenes open ed to them, and new temptations were before them. They were among strangers. They were noticed and flattered. They had an opportunity of indulging in the pleasures of the table, such as captive youth rarely enjoyed. This opportunity, there can be no doubt, they regarded as a temptation to their virtue, and as in the highest degree perilous to their principles, and they, therefore, sought to resist the temptation. They were captives — exiles from their country — in circumstances of great depression and humiliation, and they did not wish to forget that circum stance. Calvin. Their land was in ruins; the temple where they and their fathers had worshipped had been desecrated and plundered; their kindred and country men were pining in exile; everything called them to a mode of life which would be in accordance with these melancholy facts, and they, doubtless, felt that it would be in every way inappropriate for them to indulge in luxurious living, and revel in the pleasures of a banquet. But they were also, doubtless, restrained from these indulgences by a reference to the dangers which would follow. It required not great penetration or experience, in deed, to perceive, that in their circum stances — young men as they were sud denly noticed and honoured — compliance Avould be perilous to their virtue; but it did require uncommon strength of prin ciple to meet the temptation. Rare has been the stern virtue among jroung men which could resist so strong allurements; seldom, comparatively, hare those who have been unexpectedly thrown, in the course of events, into the temptations of a great city, in a foreign land, and flatter ed by the attention of those in the higher walks of life, been sufficiently firm in prin ciple to assert the early principles of tem perance and virtue in which they may have been trained. Rare has it been that a youth in such circumstances would form the steady purpose not to ' defile himself by the tempting allurements set before him, and that, at all hazards, he would adhere to the principles in which he had been educated.

9 Now God had brought Daniel into a favour and tender love with the prince of the eunuchs.

10 And the prince of the eunuchs said unto Daniel, I fear my lord the king, who hath appointed your

9. Now God had brought Daniel into favour. Comp. Gen. xxxix. 21; Prov. xvi. 7. By what means this had been done is not mentioned. It may be pre sumed, however, that it was by the attractiveness of his person and manners, and by the evidence of promising talent which he had evinced. Whatever were the means, however, two things are worthy of notice: (1.) The effect of this on the subsequent fortunes of Daniel. It was to him a great advantage, that by the friendship of this man he was enabled to carry out the purposes of temperance and religion which he had formed, without coming in conflict with those who were in power. (2.) God was the author of the favour which was thus shown to Daniel. It was by a controlling influence which he exerted, that this result had been secured, and Daniel traced it directly to him. We may hence learn that the favour of others towards us is to be traced to the hand of God, and if we are prospered in the world, and are permitted to enjoy the friendship of those who have it in their power to benefit us, though it may be on account of our personal qualifications, we should learn to attribute it all to God. There would have been great reason to apprehend beforehand, that the refusal of Daniel and his companions to partake of the food prepared for them would have been construed as an affront offered to the king, especially if it was understood to be on the ground that they regarded it as defilement or pollution to partake of it; but God overruled it all so as to secure the favour of those in power.

10. And the prince of the eunuchs said unto Daniel, I fear my lord the king. He was apprehensive that if Daniel appeared less healthful, or cheerful, or beautiful, than it was supposed he would under the prescribed mode of life, it would be con strued as disobedience of the commands of the king on his part, and that it would be inferred that the wan and emaciated appearance of Daniel was caused by the fact that the food which had been ordered

meat and your drink: for why should he see your faces b worse liking than the children which are of your c sort? then shall ye make me endanger my head to the king, b Sadder. c Or, term, or, continuance.

had not been furnished, but had been embezzled by the officer who had it in charge. We have only to remember the strict and arbitrary nature of Oriental monarchies to see that there was just grounds for the apprehensions here ex pressed. 5[ For why should he see your faces worse liking. Marg., sadder. The Hebrew word — D^fiJN — means properly, angry; and then morose, gloomy, sad. The primary idea seems to be, that of any painful, or unpleasant emotion of the mind which depicts itself on the countenance — whether anger, sorrow, envy, lowness of spirits, <fcc. Greek, 0<cuS/>o>7ra — stern, gloomy, sad. Matt. vi. 16; Luke xxiv. 17. Here the reference is not to the expression of angry feelings in the countenance, but to the counte nance as fallen away by fasting, or poor living. ^ Than the children. The youths, or young men. The same word is hero used which occurs in ver. 4. Comp. Notes on that verse. <[ Which are of your sort. Marg., term, or continuance. The Hebrew word here used — ^ — means properly, a circle, or circuit; hence an age, and then the men of an age, a generation. Gescnius. The word is not used, however, in the Scriptures elsewhere in this sense. Elsewhere it is rendered joy, or rejoicing. Job. iii. 22; Ps. xliii. 4, xlv. 15, Ixv. 12; Prov. xxiii. 24; Isa. xvi. 10, xxxv. 2, Ixv. 18; Jer. xlviii. 33; Hos. ix. 1 j Joel i. 16. This meaning it has from the usual sense ot the verb — SiJ — to exult, or rejoice. The verb properly means to move in a circle; then to dance in a circle; and then to exult or rejoice. The word "circle," as often used now to denote those of a certain class, rank, or character, would accurately express the sense here. Thus we speak of those in the religious circles, in the social circles, <fec. The reference here is to those of the same class with Daniel; to wit, in the arrangements made for presenting them before the king. Gr., o\ivf\\iK<i u^cov — of your age. ^f Then shall

11 Then said Daniel to aMelzar, ' thee, ten days; and let them give whom the prince of the eunuchs j us b pulse c to eat, and water to had set over Daniel, Hananiah, drink.

13 Then let our countenances be looked upon before thee, and the

ye make me endanger my head to the king. As if he had disregarded the orders given him, or had embezzled what had been provided for these youths, and had fur nished them with inferior fare. In the arbitrary courts of the East, nothing would be more natural than that such an appa rent failure in the performance of what was enjoined would peril his life. The word here used, and rendered make me endanger — 3^n — occurs nowhere else in the Bible. It means, in Piel, to make guilty; to cause to forfeit. Greek, KaratiKdaaTe — you will condemn, or cause me to be condemned.

11. Tfien said Daniel to Melzar, whom the prince of the eunuchs had set over Daniel, (fee. Marg. or, the steward. It is not easy to determine whether the word here used — "VjhQ — Melzar, is to be re garded as a proper name, or the name of an office. It occurs nowhere else, except in ver. 16 of this chapter, applied to the same person. Gesenius regards it as denoting the name of an office in the Babylonian court — master of the wine, chief butler. Others regard it as meaning a treasurer. The word is still in use in Persia. The Vulgate renders it as a proper name — Malasar; and so the Syriac — Meshitzar; and so the Greek — 'Apeboad — Amelsad. The use of the article in the •word — "a?^ — would seem to imply that it denoted the name of an office, and nothing would be more probable than that the actual furnishing of the daily portion of food would be entrusted to a steward, or to some incumbent of an office inferior to that sustained by Ashpenaz. Ver. 3.

12. Prove thy servants, I beseech thee, ten days. A period which would indicate the probable result of the entire experi ment. If during that period there were no indications of diminished health, beauty, or vigour, it would not be unfair to presume that the experiment in behalf of temreranoe would be successful, and it would not be improper then to ask that it might be continued longer. ^ And let them give w« pulse to eat. Marg. of pulse that He may eat. Heb. 'Let them give us of pulse, and we will eat' The word pulse with us means leguminous plants with thin seeds; that is, plants with a pericarp, or seed-vessel, of two valves, having the seeds fixed to one suture only. In popular language the legume is called a pod; as a pea-pod, or Lean-pod, and the word is commonly ap plied to peas or beans. The Hebrew word — D'JTU — would properly have re ference to seeds of any kind — from 7 ^ J zara, to disperse, to scatter seed, to sow. Then it would refer to plants that bear seed, of all kinds, and would be by no means limited to pulse — as peas or beans. It is rendered by Gesenius, "seed-herbs, greens, vegetables; i. o. vegetable food, such as was eaten in a half- fast, opposed to meats and the more delicate kinds of food." The word occurs only here and in ver. 16. It is rendered in the Vulgate, leijumina; and in the Greek, ciTrd rcS* ffnepnarwi' — 'from seeds/ It is not a proper construction to limit this to pulse, or to suppose that Daniel desired to live solely on peas or beans, but the fair inter pretation is to apply it to that which grows up from seeds; such, probably, as would be sown in a garden, or, as we would now express it, vegetable diet. It was designed as an experiment — and was a very interesting one — to show the legiti mate effect of such a diet in promoting beauty and health, and the result is worthy of special notice as contrasted with a more luxurious mode of life. •[ And water to drink. This, also, was a most interesting and important experiment, to show that wine was not accessary to pro duce healthfulness of appearance, or manly strength and beauty. It was an experiment to illustrate the effect of cold water as a beverage, made by an interest ing group of young men, when eur. rounded by great temptations, and is, therefore, worthy of particular attention. 13. Then let our countenances be looked upon, One of the objects to be secured by

countenance of the children that eat of the portion of the king's meat: and as thou seest, deal with thy servants.

14 So he consented to them in this matter, and proved them ten days.

15 Ai^d at the end of ten days their countenances appeared fairer and fatter in flesh than all the child ren which did eat the portion of the king's meat.

this whole trial was to promote their per sonal beauty, and their healthful appear ance (vs. 4, 5), and Daniel was willing that the trial should be made with re ference to that, and that a judgment should be formed from the observed effect of their temperate mode of life. The Hebrew word rendered countenance — iD — is not limited to the face, as the word countenance is with us. It refers to the whole appearance, the form, the * looks / and the expression here is equiva lent to, ' Then look on us, and see what the result has been, and deal with us ac cordingly.' The Greek is, at iMeai i^wv — our appearance. ^[ Of the children. Youths; young men. Notes, ver. 4. The reference is, probably, to the Chaldean youths who were trained up amidst the luxuries of the court. It is possible, how ever, that the reference is to Hebrew youths who were less scrupulous than Daniel and his companions, ^f And as thou seest, deal toith thy servants. As the result shall be. That is, let us be pre sented at court, and promoted or not, as the result of our mode of living shall be. What the effect would have been if there had been a failure, we are not informed. Whether it would have endangered their lives, or whether it would have been merely a forfeiture of the proffered hon ours and advantages, we have no means of determining. It is evident that Daniel had no apprehension as to the issue.