Notes on the Old and New Testaments

6. The plan, therefore, which I propose in the examination of the remaining portion of the Apocalypse, is the following: — (1) To explain the meaning of the symbols; that is, to show, as clearly as possible, what those symbols properly express, independently of any attempt to apply them. This opens, of itself, an interesting field of investigation, and one where essential service may be done, even if nothing further is intended. Without any reference to the application of those symbols, this, of itself, is an important work of criticism, and, if successfully done, would be rendering a valuable service to the readers of the sacred volume. (2) To state, as briefly as possible, what others who have written on this book, and who have brought eminent learning and talent to bear on its interpretation, have supposed to be the true interpretation of the symbols employed by John, and in regard to the times in which the events referred to would occur. It is in this way only that we can be made acquainted with the real progress made in interpreting this book, and it will be useful at least to know how the subject has struck other minds, and how, and why they have failed to perceive the truth. I propose, therefore, to state as I go along, some of the theories which have been held as to the meaning of the Apocalypse, and as to the events which have been supposed by others to be referred to. My limits require, however, that this should be briefly done, and forbid my attempting to examine those opinions at length. (3) To state, in as brief and clear a manner as possible, the view which I have been led to entertain as to the proper application of the symbols employed in the book, with such historical references as shall seem to me to confirm the interpretation proposed. (4) Where I cannot form an opinion as to the meaning, to confess my ignorance. lie does no service in a professed interpretation of the Bible, who passes over a difficulty without attempting to remove it, or who, to save his own reputation, conceals the fact that there is a real difficulty; and he does as little service who is unwilling to confess his ignorance on many points, or who attempts an explanation where he has no clear and settled views. As his opinion can be of no value to any one else unless it is based on reasons in his own mind that will bear examination, so it can usually be of little value unless those reasons arc stated. It is as important for his readers to have those reasons befor* their own minds as it is for him, and unless he has it in his power to state reasons for what he advances, his opinions can be worth nothing to the world. He who lays down this rule of interpretation may expect to have amplo opportunity in interpreting such a book

ND I saw Tvhen the Lamb opened one of the seals; " and I as tlie Apocalypse to confess his ignorance; but he -who interprets a book which he believes to be inspired, mayconsole himself with the thought that what is now obscure will be clear hereafter, and that he performs the best service which he can, if he endeavors to explain the book up to the time in which he lives. There will be developments hereafter which will make that clear which is now obscure; developments which will make this book, in all past ages apparently so enigmatical, as clear as any other portion of the inspired volume, as it is now, even with the imperfect view which we may have of its meaning, beyond all question one of the most sublime books that has ever bften written.

1. The first discloses a white horse with a rider armed with a bow. A crown is given to him, symbolical of triumph and prosperity, and he goes

2. The second discloses a red-colored horse with a rider. The emblem is that of blood — of sanguinary war. Power is given him to take peace from the earth, and a sword is given him — emblem o* war, but not of certain victory. Triumph and prosperity are denoted by the former symbol; war, discord, bloodshed by this, vs. 3, 4.

3. The third discloses a black horse with a rider. He has a pair of balances in his hand, as if there were scarcity in the earth, and he announces the price of grain in the times of this calamity, and a command is given not to hurt the oil and the wine, vs. 5, G. The emblem is that of scarcity — as if there were oppression, or as a consequence of war or discord, while at the same time there is care bestowed to preserve certain portions of the produce of the earth from injury.

4. The fourth discloses a pale horse with a rider. The name of this rider is Death, and Hell, or Hades, follows him — as if the hosts of the dead came again on the earth. Power is given to the rider over the fourth part of the earth, to kill with sword, with hunger, with heard, as it were the noise of thun der, one of the four beasts, saying, Come, and see.

death, and with wild beasts. This emblem would seem to denote war, widewasting pestilence, famine, and desolation— as if wild beasts were suffered to roam over lands that had been inhabited: — something of which paleness would be an emblem. Here ends the array of horses — and it is evidently intended by these four symbols to refer to a series of events that have a general resemblance — something that could be made to stand by themselves, and that could be grouped together.

5. The fifth seal opens a new scene. The horse and the rider no longer appear. It is not a scene of war, and of the consequences of war, but a scene of persecution. The souls of those who were slain for the word of God and the testimony which they held, are seen under the altar, praying to God that he would avenge their blood. "White robes are given them — tokens of the divine favor, and emblems of their ultimate triumph — and they are commanded to " rest for a little season, till their fellowservants and their biethren that should be killed as they were, should be fulfilled;"— that is, that they should be fatient until the number of the martyrs was filled up. In other words, there was {a) the assurance of the divine favor towards them; (6) vengeance, or the punishment of those who had persecuted them, wculd not be immediate; but (c) there was the implied assurance that just pun'jhment would be inflicted on their persecutors, and that the cause for which they had sufi"ered would ultimately triumph, vs. 9-11.

6. The opening of the sixth seal, vs. 12-17. There was an earthquake, and the sun became dark, and the moon was turned to blood, and the stars fell, and all kings and people were filled with consternation. This symbol properly denotes a time of public commotion, of revolution, of calamity; and it was evidently to be fulfilled by some great changes on the earth, or by the overturning of the seats of power, and by such sudden revolutions as would fill the nations with alarm.

fixed hia eye attentively on -what was passing, as promising important disclosures. No one had been found in the universe who could open the seals but the Lamb of God (ch. v. 2-4), and it was natural for John, therefore, to look upon the transaction with profound interest. ^ When the Lamb opened one of the seals. See Notes on ch. v. 1, 5. This was the first or outermost of the seals, and its being broken would permit a certain portion of the volume to be unrolled and read. See Notes on ch. V. 1. The representation in this place is, therefore, that of a volume with a small portion unrolled, and written on both sides of the parchment. ^ And I heard, as it ivere, the noise of thunder. One of the four living creatures speaking as with a voice of thunder, or with a loud voice. *[ One of the four beasts. Notes ch. iv. 6, 7. The particular one is not mentioned, though what is said in the subsequent verses leaves no doubt that it was the first in order as seen by John — the one like a lion, ch. iv. 7. In the opening of the three following, seals, it is expressly said that it was the second, the third, and the fourth of the living creatures that drew near, and hence the conclusion is certain that the one here referred to was the first. If the four living creatures be understood to be emblematic of the divine providential administration, then there was a propriety that they should be represented as summoning John to witness what was to be disclosed. These events pertained to the developments of the divine purposes, and these emblematic beings would therefore be interested in what was occurring. ^ Come and see. Addressed evidently to John. He was requested to approach and see with his own eyes what was disclosed in the portion of the volume now unrolled. He had wept much (ch. v. 4) that no one was found who was worthy to open that book, but he was now called on to approach and see for himself. Some have supposed (Lord, m loc.) that the address here was not to John, but to the horse and his rider, and that the command to them was not to " come and see," but to come forth, and appear oi'. the stage, and that the act of the Ee deemer in breaking the seal, and unrolling the scroll, was nothing more than an emblem signifying that it was by his act that the divine purposes were to be unfolded. But, in order to this interpretation, it would be necessary to omit from the received test the words Kal PUtte — " and see." This is done indeed by Hahn and Tittmann, and this reading is followed by Prof. Stuart, though he says that the received text has " probability" in its favor, and is followed by some of the critical editions. The most natural interpretation, however, is that the words were addressed to John. John saw the Lamb open the seal; he heard the loud voice; he looked and beheld a white horse; that is, evidently, he looked on the unfolding volume and saw the representation of a horse and his rider. That the voice was addressed to John is the common interpretation; is the most natural; and is liable to no real objection.

2. And I saw, and behold. A question has arisen as to the mode of representation here; whether what John saw in these visions was a series of pictures, drawn on successive portions of the volume as one seal was broken after another; or whether the description of the horses and of the events was written on the volume, so that John read it himself or heard it read by another; or whether the opening of the seal was merely the occasion of a scenic representation, in which a succession of horses was introduced, with a written statement of the events which are referred to. Nothing is indeed said by which this can be determined with certainty; but the most probable supposition would seem to be that there was some pictorial representation in form and appearance, such as he describes in the opening of the six seals. In favor of this it may be observed (1) That, according to the interpretation of ver. 1, it was something m or on the volume — since he was invited to draw nearer, in order that he might contemplate it. (2) Each one of the things under the five first seals where John uses the word " saw," is capable of being represented by a picture or painting. (3) The language used is nofc such as would hav« him had a bow; and a crown was been employed if he had merely read the description, or had heard it read. (4) The supposition that the pictorial representation was not in the volume, but that the opening of the seal was the occasion merely of causing a scenic representation to pass before his mind, is unnatural and forced. What would be the use of a sealed volume in that case? What the use of the writing within and without? On this supposition the representation would be that, as the successive seals were broken, nothing was disclosed in the volume but a succession of blank portions, and that the mystery or the difficulty was not in any thing in the volume, but in the want of ability to summon forth these successive scenic representations. The most obvious interpretation is, undoubtedly, that what John proceeds to describe was in some way represented in the volume; and the idea of a succession of pictures or drawings, better accords with the whole representation than the idea that it was a mere written description. In fact these successive scenes could be well represented now in a pictorial form on a scroll. *J[ And behold a lohite horse. In order to any definite understanding of what was denoted by these symbols, it is proper to form in our minds, in the first place, a clear conception of what the symbol properly represents, or an idea of what it would naturally convey. Ifc may be assumed that the symbol was significant, and that there was some reason why that was used rather than another; why, for instance, a horse was employed rather than an eagle or a lion; why a white horse was employed in one case, and a red one, a black one, a pale one in the others; why in this case a bow was in the hand of the rider, and a crown was placed on his head. Each one of these particulars enters into the constitution of the symbol; and we must find something in the event which /a?>Z?/ corresponds with each — for the symbol is made up of all these things grouped together. It may be fiirther observed, that Avherc the general symbol is the same — as in the opening of the first four seals — it may bo assumed that the same

given unto him: and he went forth conquering " and to conquer.

object or class of objects is referred to; and the particular thing? denoted, or the diversity in the general application, is to be found in the variety in the representation — the color, &c., of the horse, and the arms, apparel, <&c., of the rider. The specifications under the first seal are four: — (1) The general symbol of the horse — common to the first four seals; (2) the color of the horse; (3) the fact that he that sat on him had a bow: and (4) that a crown was given him by some one as indicative of victory. The question now is, what these symbols would naturally denote.

(1) The horse. The meaning of this symbol must be drawn from the natural use to which the symbol is applied, or the characteristics which it is known to have; and, it may be added, that there might have been something for which that was best known in the time of the writer who uses it, which would not be so prominent at another period of the world, or in another country, and that it is necessary to have that before the mind in order to obtain a corr-ect understanding of the symbol. The use of the horse, for instance, may have varied at difi'erent times to some degree — at one time the prevailing use of the horse may have been for battle; at another for rapid marches — as of cavalry; at another for draught; at another for races; at another for conveying messages by the establishment of posts or the appointment of couriers. To an ancient Roman the horse might suggest prominently one idea; to a modern Arab another; to a teamster in Holland another. The things which would be most naturally suggested by the horse as a symbol, as distinguished, for instance, from an eagle, a lion, a serpent, &c., would be the following: (a) war, as this was probably one of th« first uses to which the horse was app'ied. So in the magnificent description of tho horse in Job xxxix. 19-25, no notice is taken of any of his qualities but thosG which pertain to war. See, for a full illustration of this passage, and of tho frequent reference in tbe classic writers to the horse as connected with war.

" Si (jua sonum jirocul arma dedere, Stare loco oescit, micat auribus, et tremit artus."

" Ut fremit acer equus, cum bellicus aere canoro Signa dedit tubicen, pugnaeque assumit amorem."

"Is trepido alituum tinnitu, et stare nejauti, Imperitans violenter equo."

So Solomon says (Prov. xxi. 31), "The horse is prepared against the day of battle." So in Zech. x. 3, the prophet says, " God had made the house of Judah as his goodly horse in the battle;" that is, he had made them like the victorious war-horse, (b) As a consequence of this, and of the conquests achieved by the horse in -war, he became the symbol of conquest — of a people that could not be overcome. Comp. the above reference in Zech. Thus in Carthage the horse was an image of victorious war, in contradistinction to the ox, which was an emblem of the arts of peaceful agriculture. This was based on a tradition respecting the foundation of the city, referred to by Virgil, ^n. i. 441- 444:

" Quo primiim jactati undis et turbine Poeni Effodere loco sisrnum, quod regia Juno Monstrdrat, caput acris equi: sic nam fore bello Egrcgiam, et facilem victu por Sicula gentem."

laying the foundations of the city the head of an ox was found, which was regarded as an emblem of a fruitful land, but of the necessity of labor, and of dependence; on which account, the city was transferred to another place. Then the head of a horse was found, and this was regarded as a happy omen that the city would be warlike and prosperous."

Comp. Creuzer, Sj'mbolik, vol. ii. p. 456. (c) The horse was an emblem of Jleet- 7iess, and, consequently, of the rapidity of conquest. Comp. Joel ii. 4: " The appearance of them is as the appearance of horses; and as horsemen, so shall they run." Jer. iv. 13: "Behold he shall come up as clouds, and his chariots shall be as a whirlwind; his horses are swifter than eagles." Compare Job xxxix. 18. {d) The horse is an emblem of strength, And consequently of safety, Ps. cxlvii. 10: " He delighteth not in the strength of the horse." In general, then, the horse would properly symbolize war, conquest, or the rapidity with which a message is conveyed. The particular character or complexion of the event — as peaceful or warlike; prosperous or adverse, is denoted by the color of the horse, and by the character of the rider.

(2) The color of the horse: — " a white horse." It is evident that this is designed to be significant, because it is distinguished from the red, the black, and the pale horse, referred to in the following verses. In general, it may bo observed that white is the emblem of innocence, purity, prosperity — as the opposite is of sickness, sin, calamity. If the significance of the emblem turned alone on the color, we should look to something cheerful, prosperous, happy as the thing that was symbolized. But the significance in the case is to be found not only in the color — V)hite— hut in the horse that was white; and the enquiry is, what would a horse of that color properly denote; that is, on what occasions, and with reference to what ends, was such a horse used? Now, the general notion atta,ched to the mention of a white horse, according to ancient usage, would be that of state and triumph, derived from the fact that white horses were rode by conquerors on the days of their triumph; that they were used in the marriage cavalcade; that they were employed on coronation occasions, &c. In tlie triumphs granted by the Romans to their victorious generals, after a procession composed of musicians, captured princes, spoils of battle, <tc., came the conqueror himself, seated on a high chariot drawn by four white horses, robed in purple, and wearing a wreath of laurel. Eschenburg, Man. of Class. Literature, p. 283. Comp. Ovid de ArteAmandi, lib. v. 214. The name of XevKinnoi — leucippos — was given to Proserpine, because she was borne from Hades to Olympos in a chariot drawn by white horses. Scol. Pind 01. vi. 161. See Creuzer's Symbol, iv 253. White horses are supposed, also, to excel others in fleetness. So Horace, Sat. lib. i. vii. 8:,

— "Whiter than the snow, and swifter than the winds," And in the iEneid, where Turnus was about to contend with ^neas, he demanded horses:

" Qui candore nives anteirent cursibus auras,"

—""Which would surpass the snow in whiteness, and the wind in fleetness." Mn. xii. 84.

So the poets everywhere describe the chariot of the sun as drawn by white horses. Bochart, ut supra. So conquerors and princes are everywhere represented as boi-ne on white horses. Thus Propertius, lib. iv. eleg. i.:

" Quatuor huic albos Romulus egit equos."

" Dcposito mitis clypeo, candentibus urbem Ingreditur trabeatus equis."

And thus Ovid (Lib. i. de Arte) addresses Augustus, auguring that he would return a victor:

" Ergo erit ilia dies, qua tu, Pulcherrime rerum, Quattuor in niveis aureus ibis equis."

The preference of white to denote triumph or victory, was early referred to among the Hebrews. Thus Judges v. 10, in the Song of Deborah:

" Speak ye that ride on white asses, Ye that sit in judgment. And walk by the way."

The expression, then, in the passage before us, would properly refer to some kind of triumph; to some joyous occasion; to something where there was success or victory — and so far as this expression is concerned, would refer to any kind of triumph, whether of the gospel, or of victory in war.

(o) The bow: — And he that sat on him had a how. The bow would be a«natural emblem of war — as it was used in war; or of hunting — as it was used for that purpose. It was a common instrument of attack or defence, and seems to have been early invented, for it is found in all rude nations. Corap. Gen. xxvii. 3, xlviii. 22, xlix. 24; Josh. xxiv. 12; 1 Sam. xviii. 4; Ps. xxxvii. 15; Isa. vii. 24. The hot!) would be naturally emblematic of the following things: — (a) War. See the passages above. (6) Hunting. Thus it was one of the emblems of Apollo as the god of hunting. {c) The effect of truth — as that which secured conquest, or overcame opposition in the heart. So far as this emblem is concerned, it might denote a warrior, a hunter, a preacher, a ruler — any one who exerted power over others, or who achieved any kind of conquest over them.

(4) The crown: — And a crown was given unto him. The word here used — ariipavoi — means a circlet, chaplet, or crown — usually such as was given to a victor, 1 Cor. ix. 25. It would properly be emblematic of victory or conquest — as it was given to victors in war, or to the victors at the Grecian games, and a« it is given to the saints in heaven regarded as victors. Rev. iv. 4. 10; 2 Tim. iv. 8. The crown or chaplet here was " given" to the rider as significant that he would he victorious, not that he had heen; and the proper reference of the emblem was to some conquest yet to be made, not to any which had been uiade. It is not said hy whom this was given to the rider; the material fact being only that such a diadem was conferred on him.

(5) The going forth to conquest: — A?id he went forth coriqueririg, a7id t» conquer. He went forth as a conqueror, and that he might conquer. That is, he went forth with the spirit, life, energy, determined purpose, of one who was confident that he would conquer, and who had the port and bearing of a conqueroi*. John saw in him two things: — one, that he had the aspect or port of a conqueror— that is, of one who had been accustomed to conquest and who was confident that he could conquer; the other was, that this was clearly the design for which he went forth, and this would be the result of his going forth.

Having thus enquired into the natural meaning of the emblems used, perhaps the proper work of an expositor is done, and the subject might be left here. But the mind naturally asks what was this designed to signify, and to what events are these things to be applied? On this point, it is scarcely necessary to say, that the opinions of expositors have been almost as numerous as the expositors themselves, and that it would bo a hopeless task, and as useless as hopcleso to attempt to enumerate all the opinions entertained. They who are desirous of examining those opinions, must be referred to the various books on the Apoca lypse where they may be found. Perhaps all the opinions entertained, though pre- Bentecl by their authors under a great variety of forms, might be referred to three: — (1) That the -whole passage in chs. vi.-xi. refers to the destruction of Jerusalem and the wasting of Judea, principally by the Romans — and particularly the humiliation and prostration of the Jewish persecuting enemies of the church: — on the supposition that the book was written before the destruction of Jerusalem. This is the opinion of Prof. Stuart, and of those generally who hold that the book was written at that time.

(2) The opinion of those who suppose that the book was written in the time of Domitian, about A. D. 95, or 96, and that the symbols refer to the Roman affairs subsequent to that time. This is the opinion of Mede, Elliott, and others.

(3) The opinions of those who suppose that the different horses and horsemen refer to the Saviour, to ministers of the gospel, and to the various results of the ministry. This is the opinion of Mr. David C. Lord and others. My purpose docs not require me to examine these opinions in detail. Justice could not be done to them in the limited compass which I have; and it is better to institute a direct enquiry whether any events are known which can be regarded as corresponding with the symbols here employed. In regard to this, then, the following things may be referred to: —

(a) It will be assumed here, as elsewhere in these Notes, that the Apocalypse was written in the time of Domitian, about A. D. 95 or 96. For the reasons for this opinion, see Intro. ^ 2. Comp. an article by Dr. Geo. Duffield in the Biblical Repository, July, 1847, pp. 385-411. It will also be assumed that the book is inspired, and that it is not to be regarded and treated as a work of mere human origin. These suppositions will preclude the necessity of any reference in the opening of the seals to the time of Nero, or to the events pertaining to the destruction of Jerusalem and the overthrow of the Jewish persecuting enemies of the church — for the opinioii that those events are referred to can be held only on one of two suppositions: — either that the work was written in the time of Nero, and before the Jewish wars, as held by Prof. Stuart and others: or that it was penned after the «vects referred to had occurred, and is such a description i»f the past as could have been made by one who was uninspired.

(6) It is to be presumed that the events referred to, in tha opening of the first seal, would occur soon after the time when the vision appeared to Jolin in Patmos. This is clear, not oniy because that would be the most natural supposition, but because it is fairly implied in ch. i. 1: " The Revelation of Jesus Christ, which God gave unto hira, to show unto his servants things which must shortly come to pass." See Notes on that verse. Whatever may be said of some of those events — those Ijang most remotely in the series — it would not accord with the fair interpretation of the language to suppose that the beginning of the series would be far distant, and we therefore naturally look for that beginning in the age succeeding the time of the apostle, or the reign of Domitian.

(c) The enquiry then occurs whether there were any such events in that age as would properly be symbolized by the circumstances before us — the horse; the color of the horse; the bow in the hand of the rider; the crown given him; the state and bearing of a conqueror.

{d) Before proceeding to notice what seems to me to be the interpretation which best accords with all the circumstances of the sj^mbol, it may be proper to refer to the only other one which has any plausibility, and which is adopted by Grotius, by the author of "Hyponia," by Dr. Keith (Signs of tha Times, i. 181, Seq.), by Mr. Lord and others, that this refers to Christ and his church — to Christ and his ministers in spreading the gospel. The objections to. this class of interpretations seem to me to be insuperable: (1) The whole de> scription, so far as it is a representation of triumph, is a representation of the triumph of war, not of the gospel of peace. All the symbols in the opening of the first four seals are warlike; all the consequences in the opening of each of the seals where the horseman appears, are such as are usually connected with war. It is the march of empire; the movement of military power. (2) A horseman thus armed is not the usual representation of Christ, much less of his ministers or of his church. Once indeed (ch. xix. 14-16) Christ himself is thus represented; but the ordii.ary representation of the Saviour in this book is either that of a man — majestic and glorious, holding the stars in his right hand — or of 1 lamb. Besides, if it were the design of the emblem to refer to Christ, it m.ist be a representation of him pertona-ly and literally going forth in this mannsr; for it would be incongruous to suppose that this relates to him, and then to give it a metaphorical application, referring it not to himself but to his truth, his gospel, his ministers. (3) If there is little probability that this refers to Christ, there is still less that it refers to ministers of the gospel — as held by Lord and others — for such a symbol is employed nowhere else to represent an order of ministers, nor do the circumstances find a fulfilment in them. The minister of the gospel is a herald of peace, and is employed in the service of the Prince of Peace. He cannot well be represented by a warrior, nor is he in the Scriptures. In itself considered, there is nothing more unlike or incongruous than a warrior going forth to conquest with hostile arms, and a minister of Christ. Besides, (4) this representation of a horse and his rider, when applied in the following verses, on this principle becomes most forced and unnatural. If the warrior on the white horse denotes the ministry, then the warrior on the red horse, the black horse, the pale horse, must denote the ministry also, and nothing is more fanciful and arbitrary than to attempt to apply these to teachers of various kinds of error — error denoted by the red, black, and pale color — as must be done on that supposition. It seems plain, therefore, to me, that the representation was not designed to symbolize the ministry, or the state of the church considered with reference to its extension, or the various forms of belief which prevailed. But, if so, it only remains to enquire whether a state of things existed in the Roman world of which these would be appropriate symbols. We have, then, the following facts, which aro of such a nature as would properly be symbolized by the horse of the first seal; that is, they are such facts that if one were to undertake to devise an appropiato symbol of them si7ice they occurred, they would be well represented by the image here employed.

1. It was in general a period of prosperity, of triumph, of conquest — nfell represented by the horseman on the white horse going forth to conquest. I refer now to the period immediately succeeding the time of John's banishment, embracing some ninety years, and extending through the successive reigns of Nerva, Trajan, Adrian, and the two Antonines, from the death of Domitian, A. D. 96, to the accession of Commodus, and the peace made by him with the Germans, A. D. 180. As an illustration of this period, and of the pertinency of the symbol, I will first copy from an historical chart drawn up with no reference to the symbol here, and in the mind of whose author the application to this symbol never occurred. The chart, distinguished for accuracy, is that of A. S. Lyman, published A. D. 1845. The following is the account of this period, beginning at the death of Domitian: — " Domitian, a cruel tyrant, the last of the twelve Cesars." (His death, therefore, was an important epoch.) "A. D. 96, Nerva, noted for his virtues but enfeebled by age." "A. D. 98, Trajan, a great general, and popular em peror; under him the empire attains its greatest extent." " A. D. 117, Adrian, an able sovereign; spends thirteen years travelling through the empire, reforming abuses, and rebuilding cities." " A. D. 138, Antoninus Pius, celebrated for his wisdom, virtue and humanity." " A. D. 161, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, the Stoic philosopher, noted for his virtues." Then begins a new era — a series of wicked princes, and of great calamities. The next entry in the series is, "A. D. 180, Commodus, profligate and cruel." Then follows a succession of princes of the same general doscription. Their characterwill be appropriately consideredunder the succeeding seals. But in regard to the period now supposed to be represented by the opening of the first seal, and the general applicability of the description here to that period, we have the fullest testimony in Mr. Gibbon, in his Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire: — a writer who, sceptic as he was, seems to have been raised up by Divine Plovidence to search deeply into historic records, and to furnish an inexhaustible supply of materials in confirmation of the fulfilment of the prophecies, and of the truth of revelation. For (1) he waa eminently endowed by talent, and leana- ng, and patience, and general candor, and accuracy, to prepare a history of that period of the world, and to place his name in the very first rank of historians. His history commences at about the period supposed in this interpretation to be referred to by these symbols, and extends over a very considerable portion of the time embraced in the book of Revelation. (3) It cannot be alleged that he was biassed in his statements of facts by a desire to favor revelation; nor can it be charged on him that he perverted fads with a view to overthrow the authority of the volume of inspired truth. He was, indeed, thoroughly sceptical as to the truth of Christianity, and he lost no opportunity to express his feelings towards it by a sneer — for it seems to have been an unfortunate characteristic of his mind to sneer at every thing — but there is no evidence that he ever designedly perverted a fact in history to press it into the service of infidelity, or that he designedly falsified a statement for the purpose of making it bear against Christianity. It cannot be suspected that he had any design by the statements which he makes, to confirm the truth of Scripture prophecies. Infidels, at least, are bound to admit his testimony as impai'- tial. (4) Not a few of the most clear and decisive proofs of the fulfilment of prophecies are to be found in his history. They are frequently such statements as would be expected to occur in the writings of a partial friend of Christianity who was endeavoring to make the records of history speak out in favor of his religion, and if they had been found in such a writer, they would be suspected of having been shaped with a view to the confirmation of the prophecies, and, it may be added also, with an intention to defend some favorite interpretation of the Apocalypse. In regard to the passage before us — the opening of the first seal, and the general explanation of the meaning of that seal, above given, there is a striking resemblance between that representation and the state of the Roman empire as given by Mr. Gibbon at the period under consideration — from the end of the reign of Domitian to the accession of Commodus. By a singular coincidence, Mr. Gibbon hegi?is lais history at about tho period supposed to be referred to by the opening of the seal — the period following the death of Domitian, A. D. 96. Thus in the opening sentences of his work, he says, "In the

second century of the Christian era, the empire of Rome comprehended the fairest part of the earth, and the most civilized portion of mankind. During a happy period of more than four-score years, the public administration v.as conducted by the virtue and abilities of Nerva, Trajan, Adrian, and the two Antonines. It is the design of this, and the two succeeding chapters, to describe the prosperous condition of their empire; and afterwards, from the death of Marcus Antoninus, to deduce the most important circumstances of its decline and fall; a revolution which will ever be remembered, and is still felt by the nations of the earth," vol. i. 1. Before

Mr. Gibbon proceeds to give the history of the fall of the empire, he pauses to describe ibe happy condition of the Roman world during the period now referred to — for this is substantially his object in the first three chapters of his history. The titles of these chapters will show their object. They are respectively the following: — Chapter I., " The Extent and Military Force of the Empire, in the Age of the Antonines;" Ch. II., " Of the Union and Internal Prosperity of the Roman Empire, in the Ageof the Antonines;" Ch. III., "Of the Constitution of the Roman Empire, w the Age of the Antonines." In the language of another, this is "the bright ground of his historic picture, from which afterwards more effectively to throw out in deep coloring, the successive traits of the empire's corruption and decline." Elliott. The introductory remarks of Mr. Gibbon, indeed, professedly refer to "the age of the Antonines" (A. D. 138-180), but that he designed to describe, under this general title, the actual condition of the Roman world during the period which I suppose to be embraced under the first seal, as a time of prosperity, triumph, and happiness — from Domitian to Commodus— is apparent (a) from a remarkable statement which there will be occasion again to quote, in which he expressly designates this period, in these words:-

"If a man were called to fix the period in the history of the world, during which the condition of the human race wa8

most happy and prosperous, he would, ■without hesitation, name that -which elapsed from the death of Domitian to the accession of Commodus," i. 47.

The same thing is apparent also from a remark of Mr. Gibbon in the general summaiy which he makes of the Roman affairs, showing that this period constituted, in his view, properly an era in the condition of the world. Thus he says (i. 4), " Such was the state of the Roman frontiers, and such the maxims of imperial policy, from the death of Augustus t^ the accession of Trajan." This was A. D. 98. The question now is, whether during this period the events in the Roman empire were such as accord with the representation in the first seal. There was nothing in the first century that could accord with this, and if John wrote the Apocalypse at the time supposed (A. D. 95 or 96), of course it does not refer to that. Respecting that century, Mr. Gibbon remarks, " The

only accession which the Roman empire received, during the first century of the Christian era, was the province of Britain. In this single instance, the successors of Caesar and Augustus were persuaded to follow the example of the former rather than the precept of the latter. After a war of about forty years, undertaken by the most stupid, maintained by the most dissolute, and terminated by the most timid of all the emperors, the far greater part of the island submitted to the Roman yoke,"

i. 2, 3. Of course, the representation in the first seal could not be applied to such a period as this. In the second century, however, and especially in the early part of it — the beginning of the period supposed to be embraced in the opening of the first seal — a different policy began to prevail, and though the main characteristic of the period, as a whole, was comparatively peaceful, yet it began with a career of conquests, and its general state might be characterized as triumph and prosperity. Thus Mr. G ibbon speaks of Trajan on his accession after the death

of Nerva: — " That virtuous and active prince had received the education of a soldier, and possessed the talents of a general. The peaceful system of his predecessor was interrupted by scenes of war and conquest; and the legions, after a long interval, beheld a military leader at their head. The first <^ sploits of

Trajan were against the Dacians, the most warlike of men, who dwelt beyond the Danube, and who during the reign of Domitian had insulted the majesty of Rome. This memorable war, with a very short suspension of hostilities, lasted five years; and as the emperor could exert, without control, the whole force of the state, it was terminated by an absolute submission of the barbarians. The new province of Dacia, which formed a second exception to the precept of Augustus, was about thirteen hundred miles in circumference," i. 4.

Speaking of Trajan (p. 4), he says

farther, " The praises of Alexander, transmitted by a succession of poets and historians, had kindled a dangerous emulation in the mind of Trajan. Like him, the Roman emperor undertook an expedition against the nations of the East, but he lamented with a sigh, that his advanced age scarcely left him any hopes of equalling the renown of the son of Philip, Yet the success of Trajan, however transient, was rapid and specious. The degenerate Parthians, broken by intestine discord, fled before his arms. He descended the river Tigris in triumph, from the mountains of Armenia to the Persian gulf. He enjoyed the honor of being the first, as he was the last, of the Roman generals who ever navigated that remote sea. His fleets ravaged the coasts of Arabia; and Trajan vainly flattered himself that he was approaching towards the confines of India. Every day the astonished senate received the intelligence of new names and new nations, that acknowledged his sway. They were informed that the kings of Bosphorus, Colchos, Iberia, Albania, Osrhoene, and even the Parthian monarch himself, had accepted their diadems from the hand of the emperor;' that the independent tribes of the Median and Carduchian hills had implored his protection; and that the rich countries of Armenia, Mesopotamia and Assyria were reduced into the state of

provinces." Of such a reign what more appropriate symbol could there be than the horse and the rider of the first seal? If Mr. Gibbon had been writing a designed commentary on this, what more appropriate language could he have used in illustration of it? The reign of Hadrian, the successor of Trajan (A. D. 117-138), was comparatively a reign of peace — though one of his first acts was to lead an expedition into Britain; but though comparatively a time of peace, it was a reign of prosperity and triumph. Mr. Gibbon, in the following language, gives a general characteristic of that

reign: " The life of [Hadrian] was almost a perpetual journey; and as he possessed the various talents of the soldier, the statesman, and the scholar, he gratified his curiosity in the discharge of his duty. Careless of the diflerence of seasons and of climates, he mai-ched on foot, and bareheaded, over the snows of Caledonia, and the sultry plains of Upper Egypt; nor was there a province of the empire, which in the course of his reign was not honored with the presence of the monarch," p. 5. On

p. 6, Mr. Gibbon remarks of this period,

" The Roman name was revered amongst the most remote nations of the earth. The fiercest barbarians frequently submitted their differences to the arbitration of the emperor; and we are informed by a contemporary historian, that he had seen ambassadors who were refused the honor which they came to solicit, of being admitted into the rank of sub-

jects." And again, speaking of the reign of Hadrian, Mr. Gibbon remarks

(i. 45), "Under his reign, as has been already mentioned, the empire flourished in peace and prosperity. He encouraged the arts, reformed the laws, asserted military discipline, and visited all the provinces in person." Hadrian was suc-

ceeded by the Antonines, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius (the former from A. D. 138 to 161, the latter from A. D. 161, to the accession of Cornmodus, A. D. 180). The general character of their reigns is well known. It is thus stated by Mr. Gibbon: " The

two Antonines governed the world fortytwo years with the same invariable spirit of wisdom and vii'tue. Their united reigns are possibly the only period of history in which the happiness of a great people was the sole object of government," i. 46. And, after describing

the state of the empire in respect to its military and naval character, its roads, and architecture, and constitution, and laws, Mr. Gibbon sums up the whole description of this period in the following remarkable words (vol. i. p. 47):

'' If a man were called to fix a period in the history of the world, during which the condition of the human race was most happy and prosperous, he would, without hesitation, name that which elapsed from, the death of Domilian to the ac cession of Commodus. The vast extent of the Roman empire was governed by absolute power, U7ider the guidance of virtue and wisdom. The armies were restrained by the firm but gentle hand$ of four successive emperors, whose characters a7id authority commanded universal respect. The forms of the civil admiiiislration were carefully preserved by Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and the Antonines, who delighted in the image of liberty, and were pleased with considering themselves as the accountahle ministers of the laws. Such princes deserved the honor of restoring the republic, had the Romans of their days been capable of enjoyiiig a rational freedom."

If it be supposed now that John designed to represent this period of the world, could he have chosen a more expressive and significant emblem of it than occurs in the horseman of the first seal? If Mr. Gibbon had intended to prepare a commentary on it, could he have shaped the facts of history so as better to furnish an illustration?

2. The particular things represented in the symbol, (a) The bow — a symbol of war. Mr. Eliott has endeavored to show that the boio at that period was peculiarly the badge of the Cretians, and that Nerva, who succeeded Domitian, was a Cretian by birth. The argument is too long to be abridged here, but, if well founded, the fulfilment is remarkable; for, although the sword or tho javelin was usually the badge of the Roman emperor, if this were so, there would be a peculiar propriety in making the bow the badge during this period. See Eliott, vol. i. pp. 133-140, But, whatever may be said of this, the bow was.so generally the badge of a warrior that there would be no impropriety in using it as a symbol of Roman victory. (6) The crown — ffTi<pavoi — was up to the time of Aurelian, A. D. 270 (see Spanheim, p. 60), the distinguishing badge of the Roman emperor; after that, the diadem set with pearls and other jewels, was adopted and worn. The crown, composed usually of laurel, was properly tho badge of the emperor considered as a military leader or commander. See Eliott, i. 130. At the period now under

3 And when he had opened the second seal, I heard the second beast saj, Come and see.

consideration, the proper badge of the Roman emperor would be the crown; after the time of Aurelian, it would have been the diadem. In illustration of

4 And there -went out another horse that teas red: and jpoicer was given to him that sat thereon

this, two cuts may be introduced, the one representing the emperor Nerve with the crown, or cT£(pavos, the other th« emperor Valentinian, with the diadem.

(c) The fact that the crown was give?i to the rider. It was common among the Romans to represent an emperor in this manner; either on medals, bas-reliefs, or triumphal arches. The emperor appears going forth on horseback, and with Victory represented as either crowning him, or as preceding him with a crown in her hand to present to him. The following cut, copied from one of the bas-reliefs on a triumphal arch erected to Claudius Drusus on occasion

of his victories over the Germans, will furnish a good illustration of this, and, indeed, is so similar to the symbol described by John, that the one secmi almost a copy of the other. Except that the bow is wanting, nothing could have a closer resemblance, and the fact that such symbols were employed, and were weU understood by the Romans, may be admitted to be a confirmation of the view above taken of the meaning of the first seal. Indeed, so many things combine to confirm this, that it seems impossible to be mistaken in regard to it: for if it should be supposed that John lived after this time, and that he mea7it to furnish a striking emblem of this period of Roman history, ho could not have employed a more significant and appropriate symbol than he has done.

3. And when he had opened the second seal. So as to disclose another portion of the volume. Notes ch. v. 1. % I heard the second beast say. The second beast was like a calf or an ox. Notes ch. iv. 7. It cannot be supposed that there is any special significancy in the fact that the second beast addressed the seer on the opening of the second seal, or that, so far as the symbol was concerned, there was any reason why this living

to take peace from the earth, and that they should kill one another:

creature should approach on the opening of this seal rather than on either of the others. All that seems to be designed is, that as the living creatures are intended to be emblems of the Providential government of God, it was proper to represent that government as concerned in the opening of each of these four seals indicating important events among the nations. ^ Come and see. See Notes on ver. 1.

4. And there we7it out another horse. In this symbol there were, as in the others, several particulars which it is proper to explain in order that we may be able to understand its application. The particular things in the symbol are the following: —

(a) The horse. See this explained in the Notes on ver. 2.

(6) The color of the horse: — Another horse that was red. This symbol cannot be mistaken. As the white horse denoted prosperity, triumph, and happiness, so this would denote carnage, discord, bloodshed. This is clear, not only from the nature of the emblem, but from the explanation immediately added: — " And power was given to him that sat thereon to take peace from the earth, and that they should kill one another." On the color, compare Bochart, Hieroz. P. 1. hb. ii. c. vii. p. 104. See also Zech. i. 8. There is no possibility of mistaking this, that a time of slaughter is denoted by this emblem.

(c) The power given to him that sat on the horse: — And power was given to him that sat thereon to take peace from the earth, and that they should kill one another. This would seem to indicate that the condition immediately preceding this was a condition of tranquillity, and that this was now disturbed by some cause producing discord and bloodshed. This idea is coniirmed by the original words — rffv dpnvr)v — "the peace;" that is, the previously existing peace. When peace in general is referred to, the word is used'without the article: Mutt. X. 34, " Think not that I came to eend peace — ^aXilv dprjvriv — upon the earth." Comp. Luke i. 79, ii. 14, xix. 38; Mark v. 34; John xiv. 27, xvi. 33; Acts vii. 26, ix. 31, et al. in the Greek. In 15*

and there was given unto him a great sword.

these cases the word peace is without th« article. The characteristics of the period referred to by this, are (a) that peace and tranquillity existed before; (6) that such peace and tranquillity were now taken away, and were succeeded by confusion and bloodshed; and (c) that the particular form of that confusion was civil discord, producing mutual slaughter: — " that they should kill one another."

(d) The presentation of a sword: — And there was given unto him a great sword. As an emblem of what he was to do, or of the period that was referred to by the opening of the seal. The sword is an emblem of war; of slaughter; of authority (Rom. xiii. 4), and is here used as signifying that that period would be characterized by carnage. Comp. Isa. xxxiv. 5; Rev. xix. 1 7, 18; Lev. xxvi. 25; Gen. xxvii. 40; Matt. xxvi. 52, X. 34. It is not said by whom the sword was presented, but t?ie fact is merely referred to, that the rider w;a« presented with a sword as a symbol of what would occur.

In enquiring now into the period referred to by this symbol, we naturally look to that which immediately succeeded the one which was represented by the opening of the first seal; that is the period which followed the accession of Commodus, A. D. 180. We shall find, in the events which succeeded his accession to the empire, a state of things which remarkably accords with the account given by John in this emblem — so much so that, if it were supposed that the book was written after these events had occurred, and that John had designed to represent them by this symbol, he could not have selected a more appropriate emblem. The only authority which it is necessary to refer to here is Mr. Gibbon; who, as before remarked, seems to have been raised up by a Special Providence to make a record of those events which were referred to by some of the most remarkable prophecies in the Bible. As he had the highest qualifications for an historian, his statements may be relied on as accurate; and as he had no belief in the inspiration of the prophetic records, his testimony will not be charged with partiality in their favor. The following particulars, therefore, will furnish a full illustration of the opening of the second seal: —

(a) The previous state of peace. This is implied in the expression, " and power was given to him to take peace from the earth." Of this we^ave had a full confirmation in the peaceful reign of Hadrian and the Antouines. See the Notes on the exposition of the first seal. Mr. Gibhon, speaking of the accession of Commodus to the imperial throne, says

that he " had nothing to wish, and every thing to enjoy. The beloved son of Marcus [Commodus] succeeded his father amidst the acclamations of the senate and armies; and when he ascended the throne, the happy youth saw around him neither competitor to remove, nor enemies to punish. In this calm elevated station it was surely natural that he should prefer the love of mankind to their detestation, the mild glories of his five predecessors to the ignominious fate of Nero and Domitian," i. 61. So again, on the same page, he says of Commodus, " His graceful person, popular address, and undisputed virtues, attracted the public favor; the honorable peace which he had recently granted to the barbarians, diffused an universal joy." No one can

doubt that the accession of Commodus was preceded by a remarkable prevalence of peace and prosperity.

(h) Civil war and bloodshed: — To take peace from the earth, and they should kill one another. Of the applicability of this to the time supposed to be represented by this seal, we have the fullest confirmation in the series of civil wars commencing with the assassination of the emperor Commodus, A. D. 193, and continued with scarcely any intervals of intermission for eighty or ninety years. So Sismondi, on the fall of the Roman empire (i. 36), says, "With Commodus'

death commenced the third and most calamitous period. It lasted ninety-two years, from 193 to 284. During that time, thirty-two emperors, and twentyseven pretenders to the empire, alternately hurled each other from the throne, by incessant civil warfare. Ninoty-two years of almost incessant civil warfare taught the world on what a frail foundation the virtue of the Antonines had reared the felicity of the em-

pire." The full history of this period may be seen in Gibbon, i. pp. 50-197. Of course it is impossible in these Notea to present anything like a complete account of the characteristics of those times. Yet the briefest summary may well show the general condition of the Roman empire then, and the propriety of representing it by the symbol of a red horse, as a period when peacewould be taken from the earth, and when men would kill one another. Commodus himself ia represented by Mr. Gibbon in. the fol-

lowing words: " Commodus was not, as he has been represented, a tiger borne with an insatiate thirst of human blood, and capable, from his infancy, of the most inhuman actions. Nature had formed him of a weak rather than a wicked disposition. His simplicity and timidity rendered him the slave of his attendants, who gradually corrupted his mind. His cruelty, which at first obeyed the dictates of others, degenerated into habit, and at length became the ruling passion of his soul," i. 51. During the

first three years of bis reign, " his hands were yet unstained with blood" (ibid.), but he soon degenerated into a mos'6 severe and bloody tyrant, and *' when

Commodus had once tasted human blood, he was incapable of pity or remorse," i. 52. " The tyrant's rage," says Mr. Gibbon (i. 52), ** after having shed the noblest blood of the senate, at length recoiled on the principal instrument of his cruelty. While Commodus was immersed in blood and luxiiry he devolved the detail of public business on Perennis, a servile and ambitious minister, who had obtained his post by V\q murder of his predecessors," &c. " Every sentiment of virtue and humanity was extinct in the mind of Commodus," i. 55.

After detailing the history of his crimes, his follies, and his cruelties, Mr. Gibbon

remarks of him: *' His cruelty proved at last fatal to himself. He had shed with impunity the best blood of Rome; he perished as soon as he was dreaded by his own domestics. Marcia, his favorite concubine, Eclectus, his chamberlain, and Lfctus, his Pretorian prjefect, alarmed by the fate of their companions and predecessors, resolved to prevent the destruction which every hour hung over their heads, cither from the mad caprice of the tyrant, or the sudden indignation of tho people. Marcia seized the occ».

sion of presenting a draught of wine to her lover, after he had fatigued himself with hunting some wild beasts. Cornmodus retired to sleep; but while he was laboring with the effects of poison and drunkenness, a robust youth, by profession a wrestler, entered his chamber, and strangled him without resistance,"

i. 57. The immediate consequence of the assassination of Commodus was the elevation of Pertinax to the throne, and his murder eighty-six days after. Dec. and Fall, i. 60. Then followed the public setting-up of the empire to sale by the Pretorian guards, and its purchase by a wealthy Roman senator, Didius Julianus, or Julian, who, " on the throne

of the world, found himself without a friend and without an adherent," i. 63. " The sti-eets and public places in Rome resounded with clamors and imprecations." " The public discontent was soon diffused from the centre to the frontiers of the empire," i. 63. In the

midst of this universal indignation, Septimius Severus, who then commanded (he army in the neighborhood of the Danube, resolved to avenge the death of Pertinax, and to seize upon the imperial crown. He marched to Rome, overcame the feeble Julian, and placed himself on the throne. Julian, after having reigned sixty-six days, was beheaded in a private apartment of the baths of the

palace, i. 67. '"In less than four years, Severus subdued the riches of the East, and the valor of the West. He vanquished two competitors of reputation and ability, and defeated numerous armies, provided with weapons and discipline equal to his own," i. 68. Mr.

Gibbon then enters into a detail of '* the two civil wars against Niger and Albinus" — rival competitors for the empire (i. 68-70), both of whom were vanquished, and both of whom were put to death " in their flight from the field of battle." Yet he says, "Although the wounds of civil war were apparently healed, its mortal poison still lurked in the vitals of the constitution," i. 71. After the death of Severus, then follows an account of the contentions between his sons, Geta and Caracalla, and of the death of the former by the instigation of the latter (i. 77); then of the remorse of Caracalla, in which it is said that " his disordered fancy often beheld the angry forms of his father and his brother rising into life to threaten and upbraiu him" (i. 77); then of the cruelties which Caracalla inflicted on the friends of Geta. in which "it was computed that, under the vague appellation of the friends cf Geta, above twenty thousand persons cf both sexes suffered death" (i. 78); then of the departure of Caracalla from the capital, and his cruelties in other parts of the empire, concerning which Mr. Gibbon remarks (i. 78, 79), that " Cara-

calla was the common enemy of mankind. Every province was by turns the scene of his rapine and cruelty. In the midst of peace and repose, upon the slightest provocation, he issued his commands at Alexandria in Egypt, for a general massacre. From a secure post in the temple of Serapis, he viewed and directed the slaughter of many thousand citizens, as well as strangers, without distinguishing either the number or the crime of the sufferers," &e. Then

follows the account of the assassination of Caracalla (i. 80),• then, and in consequence of that, of the civil war which crushed Macrinus, and raised Elagabalus to the throne (i. 83); then of the life and follies of that wretched voluptuary, and of his massacre by the Pretorian guards (i, 86), then, after an interval of thirteen years, of the murder of his successor, the second Severus, on the Rhine; then of the civil wars excited against his murderer and successor, Maximin, in which the two emperors of a day, the Gordians, — father and son — perished in Africa, and Maximin himself and his son in the siege of Aquileia; then of the murder at Rome of the two joint emperors Maximus and Balbinus; and quickly after that an account of the murder of their successor in the empire, the third and youngest Gordian, on the banks of the river Aboras; then of the slaughter of the next emperor Philip, together with his son and associate in the empire, in the battle near Verona: — and this state of things may be said to have continued until the accession of Diocletian to the empire, A. D. 284. • See Dec. and Fall, i. 110-197. Does any ' portion of the history of the world present a similar period of connected history that would be so striking a fulfilment of the symbols used here of "peace being taken from the earth," and " men killing one another?" In regard to this whole period it is suffi

5 And when he had opened the third seal, I heard the third beast say, Come and see. And I beheld,

cient, after reading Mr. Gibbon's account, to ask two questions, (1) If it were supposed that John lived after this period, and designed to represent this by an expressive symbol, could he have found one that would have characterized it better than this does? And (2) If it should be supposed that Mr. Gibbon designed to write a commentary on this " seal," and to show the exact fulfilment of the symbol, could he have selected a better portion of history to do It, or could he have better described facts that would be a complete fulfilment? It is only necessary to observe further: —

(r) That this is a marked and definite period. It has such a beginning, and Buch a continuance and ending, as to show that this symbol was applicable to this as a period of the world. For it was not only preceded by a state of peace, as is supposed in the symbol, but no one can deny that the condition of things in the empire, from Commodus onward through many years, was such as to be appropriately designated by the symbol here used.

5, 6. And when he had opened the third seal. Unfolding another portion of the volume. See Notes on ch. v. 1. ^ 1 heard the third beast say, Come and see. See Notes on ch. iv. 7. It is not apparent why the third beast is represented as taking a particular interest in the opening of this seal (comp. Notes on Tcr. 3), nor is it necessary to show why it was so. The general design seems to have been, to represent each one of the four living creatures as interested in the opening of the seals, but the order in which they did this docs not seem to be a m itter of importance. ^ And I beheld, and lo, a black horse. The specifications of the symbol here are the following: —

(o) As before, the horse. See Notes on ver. 2.

(6) The color of the horse: — lo, a black horse. This would properly denote distress and calamity — for black has been regarded always as such a symbol. So Virgil speaks of fear as black: *' atrumque timorem." "iEn. ix. G19. So again, Georg. iv. 468:

and lo, a black horse; and he that sat on him had a pair of balances in his hand.

Black, in the Scriptures, is the image cf fear, of famine, of death. Lam. v. 10: " Our skin was black like an oven, because of the terrible famine," Jer. xiv. 2: " Because of the drought Judah mourneth, and the gates thereof languish; they are in deep mourning [lit. black] for the land." Joel ii. 6: " All faces shall gather blackness." Neh. ii. 10: "The knees smite together, and there is great pain in all loins, and the faces of them all gather blackness." Comp. Kev. vi. 12; Ezek. xxxii. 7. See also Bochart, Hieroz. P. I. lib. ii. c. vii. pp. 106, 107. From the color of the horse here introduced, we should naturally look for some dire calamity, though the nature of the calamity would not be designated by the raerp use of the word black. What the calamity was to be, must b« determined by what follows in the symbol. Famine, pestilence, oppression, heavy taxation, tyranny, invasion — any of these might be denoted by the color of the horse.

(c) The balances: — and he that sat on him had a pair of balances i7i his ha?id. The original word, here rendered a pair of balances, is ^vybv. This word properly means a yoke, serving to couple any thing together, as a yoke for cattle. Hence it is used to denote the beam of a balance, or of a pair of scales — and is evidently so used here. The idea is that something was to be weighed, in order to ascertain either its (juardity or its value. Scales or balances ure the emblems of justice or equity (comp. Job xxxi. 6; Ps. Ixii. 9; Prov. xi. 1, xvi. 11), and when joined with symbols that denote the sale of corn and fruit by weight, become the symbol of scarcity. Thus " bread by weight" (Lev. xxvi. 26) denotes scarcity. So in Ezek. iv. 16, " And they shall eat bread by Aveight." The use of balances here as a symbol would signify that something was to be accurately and carefully weighed out. The connexion leads us to suppose that this would appertain to the ueceasariei

6 And I heard a voice in the midst of the four beasts say, " A

a The vrord cJicenix signifieth a measure containing one wine quart, and the twelfth part of a quart.

of life, and that it "would occur either in consequence of scarcity, or because there would be an accurate or severe exaction, as in collecting a revenue on these articles. The balance was commonly the symbol of equity and justice; but it was, also, sometimes, the symbol of exaction and oppression, as in Hos. xii. 7: " The balance of deceit is in his hands; he loveth to oppress." If the balances stood alone, and there were no proclamation as to what was to occur, we should look, under this seal, to a time of the exact administration of justice, as scales or balances are now used as emblems of the rigid application of the laws and of the principles of justice in courts, or in public affairs. If this representation stood alone — or if the black horse and the scales constituted the whole of the symbol, we should look for some severe administration, or perhaps some heavy calamity under a rigorous administration of laws. The reference, however, to the " wheat and barley," and to the price for which they were to be weighed out, serves still further to limit aud define the meaning of the symbol as having reference to the necessaries of life — to the productions of the land — to the actual capital of the country. Whether this refers to scarcity, or to taxation, or both, must be determined by the other parts of the symbol. {d) The proclamation: — And I heard a voice in the midst of the four beasts say. That is, from the throne, eh. iv. 6. The voice was not that of one of the four beasts, but it seemed to come from among them. As the rider went forth, this was the proclamation that was made in regard to him; or this is that which is symbolized in his going forth, to wit, that there would be such a state of things that a measure of wheat would be sold for a penny, <ibc. The proclamation consists essentially of two things — that which refers to the price or value of wheat and barley; and that which requires that care shall be taken not to injure the oil and the wine. Each of tiese demands explanation. ^ A meu'

measure of wheat for a penny, and three measures of barley for a penny; and see thou ^ hurt not the oil and the wine.

sure of wheat for a penny. See tho margin. The word rendered measure — Xoivi^ — choenix, denotes an attic measure for grain and things dry, equal to the forty-eighth part of the attic medimnus, or the eighth part of the Roman modius, and consequently was nearly equivalent to one quart English. Rob. Lex. The word rendered penny — Srivdpiov — Lat. denarius, was of the same value as the Greek Spaxf^ — drachme, and was equivalent to about fourteen cents of our money. This was the usual price of a day's labor. Matt. xx. 2, 9. The choenix, or measure of grain here referred to, was the ordinary daily allowance for one man. Odi/ss. xix. 27, 28. See Stuart, in loc. The common price of the attic medimnus of wheat was five or six denarii, but here^ as that contained forty-eight chcenixes, or quarts, the price would be augmented to forty-eight denarii — or it would be about eight times as dear as ordinary; that is, there would be a scarcity or famine. The price of a bushel of wheat at this rate would be about four dollars and a half of our money — a price which would indicate great scarcity, and which would give rise to much distress. ^ And three measures of barley for a penny It would seem from this that barley usually bore about one-third the price of wheat. It was a less valuable grain, and perhaps was produced in greater abundance. This is not far from the proportion which the price of this grain usually bears to that of wheat, and here, as in the case of the wheat, the thing which would be indicated would be scarcity. This proclamation of " a measure of wheat for a penny" was heard either as addressed to the horseman, as a rule of action for him, or as addi-essed by the horseman as he went forth. If the former is the meaning, it would be an appropriate address to one who was going forth to collect tribute — with reference to the exact manner in which this tribute was to be collected, implying some sort of severity of exaction; or to one who should distribute wheat and barley out of the public granaries at an advanced price, indicating scarcity. Thus it would mean that a severe and heavy tax — represented by the scales and the scarcity — or a tax so severe as to jnahe grain dear, was referred to. If the latter is the meaning, then the idea is that there would be a scarcity, and that grain would be dealt out by the government at a high and oppressive price. The latter idea would be as consonant with the symbol of the scales and the price mentioned as the other, if it were not for the additioiial injunction not to "hurt the oil and the wine" — which cannot be well applied to the idea of dealing out grain at a high price. It can, however, be connected, by a fair interpretation of that passage, with such a severity of taxation that there woiild be a propriety in such a command — for, as we shall see, under the explanation of that phrase, such a law was actually promulgated as resulting from severity of taxation. The idea, then, in the paseage before us would seem to be, (a) that there would be a rigid administration of the law in regard to the matter under consideration — that pertaining to the productions of the earth — represented by the balances,* and (&) that that would be connected with general scarcity, or such an exercise of this power as to determine the price of grain, so that the price would be some three times greater ihan ordinary. ^ And see that thou hurt not the oil and the wine. There has been a great variety of interpretations proposed of this passage, and it is by no means easy to determine the true sense. The first inquiry in regard to it is, to whom is it addressed? Perhaps the most common impression on reading it would be, that it is addressed to the horseman with the balances, commanding him not to injure the oliveyards and the vineyards. But this is not probably the correct view. It does not appear that the horseman goes forth to destroy any thing, or that the effect of his going forth is directly to injure any thing. This, therefore, should not be understood as addressed to the horseman, but should bo regarded as a general command to any and all iiot to injure the oliveyards and Adneyards; that is, an order that nothing should be done essentially to injure thorn. If thus regarded as addressed to others, a fair and congruous meaning would be furnished by either of the following interpretations: — either (c) considered as addressed to those who were disposed to be prodigal in their manner of living, or careless as to the destruction of the crop of the oil and wine, as they would now be needed; or (h) as addressed to those who raised such productions, on the supposition that they would be taxed heavily, or that largo quantities of these productions would be extorted for revenue, that they should not mutilate their fruit-trees in order to evade the taxes imposed by the government. In regard to the things specified here — oil and wine — it may be remarked, that they were hardly considered as articles of luxury in ancient times. They were almost as necessary articles as wheat and barley. They constituted a considerable part of the food and drink of the people, as well as furnished a large portion of the revenue, and it would seem to be with reference to that fact that the command here is given that they should not be injured; that is, that nothing should be done to diminish the quantity of oil and wine, or to impair the productive power of oliveyards and vineyards. The state of things thus described by this seal, as thus interpreted, would be (a) a rigid administration of the laws of the empire, particularly in reference to taxation, producing a scarcity among the necessary articles of living; (6) a strong tendency, /rom the severity of the taxation, to mutilate such kinds of property, with a view either of concealing the real amount of property, or of diminishing the amount of taxes; and (c) a solemn command from some authoritative quarter not to do this. A command from the ruling power not to do this, would meet all that would be fairly demanded in the interpretatio7i of the passage; and what is necessary in its application, is to find such a state of things as would correspond with these predictions; that is, such as a writer would have described by such symbols on the supposition that they Avere referred to.

Now, it so happens, that there were important events Avhich occurred in the Roman empire, and connected with its decline and fall, of suflicient importance to be noticed in a series of calamitous events, which corresponded with the eymbol here, as above explained. They Trere such as these: — (o) The general severity of taxation, or the oppressive burdens laid on the people by the emperors. In the account which Mr. Gibbon gives of the operation of the Indictionfi,' and Suferindictions, though the spccihc laws on this subject pertained to a subsequent period, the general nature of the taxation of the empire and its oppressive character may be seen, Dec. and Fall, i. 357-359. A general estimate of the amount of revenue to be exacted was made out, and the collecting of this was committed to the Preterian praefects, and to a great number of subordinate officers. " The

lands were measured by surveyors who were sent into the provinces; their nature, whether arable, or pasture, or woods, was distinctly reported; and an estimate made of their common value, from the average produce of five years. The number of slaves and of cattle constituted an essential part of the report; an oath was administered to the proprietors which bound them to disclose the true state of their affairs; and their attempts to prevaricate or elude the intention of the legislator, were severely watched, and punished as a capital crime, which included the double guilt of treason and of sacrilege. According to the different nature of lands, their real produce in the various articles of wine or oil, corn or barley, wood or iron, was transported by the labor or at the expense of the provincials to the imperial magazines, from whence they were occasionally distributed for the use of the court, or of the army, and of the two capitals, Rome and Constantinople,"

i. p. 358. Comp. Lactant. de Mort. Persecut. c. 23. (6) The particular order, under this oppressive system of taxation, respecting the preservation of vineyards and oliveyards, may be referred to, also, as corresponding to the command sent forth under this rider, not to " hurt the oil and the wine." That order was in

the following words: "If any one shall sacrilegiously cut a vine, or siint the fruit of prolific boughs, and craftily feign poverty in order to avoid a fair assessment, he shall immediately on detection suffer death, and his property be confiscated." Cod. Thood. 1. xiii. lib. xi. feq.; Gibbon, i. 358, note. Sir. Gibbon remarks, ''Although this law is not without its studied obscurity, it is, however, clear enough to prove the minuteness of the inquisition and the disproportion of the penalty." (e) Un-

der this general subject of the severity of taxation — as a fact far-spreading and oppressive, and as so important as to hasten the downfall of the empire, may be noticed a distinct edict of Caracalla as occurring more directly in the period in which the rider with the balances may be supposed to have gone forth. This is stated by Mr. Gibbon (i. 91), as one of the important causes which contributed to the down-

fall of the empire: " The personal characters of the emperors, their victories, laws, and fortunes," says he, " can interest us no farther than the}'- are connected with the general history of the Decline and Fall of the monarchy. Our constant attention to that object will not suffer us to overlook a most important edict of Antoninus Caracalla, which communicated to all the free inhabitants of the empire, the name and privileges of Roman citizens. His unbounded liberality flowed not, however, from the sentiments of a generous mind; it was the sordid result of avarice," &c. He

then proceeds, at length, to state the nature and operations of that law, by which a heavy tax, under the pretence of liberality, was in fact imposed on all the citizens of the empire — a fact which, in its ultimate results, the historian of the Decline and Fall regards as so closely connected with the termination of the empire. See Gibbon, i. pp. 91-95. After noticing the laws of Augustus, Nero, and the Antonines, and the real privileges conferred by them on those who became entitled to the rank of Roman citizens — privileges which were a compensation in the honor, dignity, and offices of that rank for the measure of taxation which it involved, he proceeds to notice the fact that the title of " Roman citizen" was conferred by Caracalla on all the free citizens of the empire, involving the sxibjcctiou to all the heavy taxes usually imposed on those who sustained the rank expressed by the title, but with nothing of the compensation connected with the title when it was confined to the inhabitants

of Italy. " But the favor," says he, " which implied a distinction, was lost in the prodigality of Caracalla, and the

reluctant provincials were compelled to assume the vain title, and the real ohligatio7is, of Roman citizens. Nor ■was the rapacious son of Severus [Caracalla] contented with such a measure of taxation as had appeared sufficient to his moderate predecessors. Instead of a twentieth, he exacted a tenth of all legacies and inheritances; and during his reign he crushed alike every part of the empire under the weight of his iron sceptre," i. 95. So again {ibid.), speak-

ing of the taxes which had been lightened somewhat by Alexander, Mr. Gib-

bon remarks, " It is impossible to conjecture the motive that engaged him to spare so trifling a remnant of the soil; but the noxious weed, which had not been totally eradicated, again sprung up ^vith the most luxuriant growth, and in the succeeding age darkened the lloman world with its deadly shade. In the course of this history, we shall be too often summoned to explain the land-tax, the capitation, and the heavy contributions of corn, wine, oil, and meat, which were exacted of the province for the use of the court, the army, and the

capital." In reference to this whole matter of taxation as being one of the things which contributed to the downfall of the empire, and which spread woe through the falling empire — a woe worthy to be illustrated by one of the seals — a confirmation may be derived from the reign of Galerius, who, as Cicsar, acted under the authority of Diocletian; who excited Diocletian to the work of persecution {Dec. and Fall, i. 317, 318); and who, on the abdication of Diocletian, assumed the title of Augustus. Dec. and Fall, i. 222. Of his administration in general, Mr. Gib-

bon (i. 226) remarks: " About that time, the avarice of Galerius, or perhaps the exigences of the state, had induced him to make a very strict and rigorous inquisition into the property of his subjects for the purpose of a general taxation, both on their lands and on their persons. A very minute survey appears to have been taken of their real estates; and wherever there was the slightest concealment, torture was very freely employed to obtain a sincere declaration of their real wealth." Of the nature of

this exaction under Galerius; of the cruelty with which the measure was prosecuted — particularly in its bearing on Christians, towards whom Galerius cherished a mortal enmity {Dec. and Fall. i. 317); and of the extent and severity of the suffering among Christians and others, caused by it, the following account of Lactantius (De Mort. Persecut. c. 23) will furnish a painful but most appropriate illustration:—

" Swarms of exactors sent into the provinces and cities filled them with agitation and terror, as though a conquering enemy were leading them into captivity. The fields were separately measured, the trees and vines, the flocks and herds numbered, and an examination made of the men. In the cities the cultivated and rude were united as of the same rank. The streets were crowded with groups of families, and every one required to appear with his children and slaves. Tortures and lashes resounded on every side. Sons were gibbeted in the presence of their parents, and the most confidential servants harassed that they might make disclosures against their masters, and wives that they might testify unfavorably of their husbands. If there were a total destitution of property, they were still tortured to make acknowledgments against themselves, and, when overcome by pain, inscribed for what they did not possess. Neither ago nor ill-health was admitted as an excuse for not appearing. The sick and weak were borne to the place of inscription, a reckoning made of the age of each, and years added to the young and deducted from the old, in order to subject them to a higher taxation than the law imposed. The whole scene waa filled with wailing and sadness. In the mean time individuals died, and the herds and the flocks diminished, yet tribute was none the less required to bo paid for the dead, so that it was no longer allowed either to live or die without a tax. Mendicants alone escaped, where nothing could be wrenched, and whom misfortune and misery had made incapable of fixrther oppression. These the impious wretch afi"ecting to pity, that they might not suffer want, ordered to bo assembled, borne off" in vessels, and plunged into the sea." See Lord on the

Apoc. pp. 128, 129. These facts in regard to the severity of taxation, and the rigid nature of the law enforcing it; to the sources of the revenue exacted in tl>3 provinces, and to the care that nont

7 And when he had opened the fourth seal, I heard the voice of the fourth beast say, Come and see.

ef those sources should be diminished; and to the actual and undoubted bearing of all this on the decline and fall of the empire, are so strikingly applicable to the symbol here employed, that if it be guppossd that it was intended to refer to thera, no more natural or expressive symbol could have been used; if it were supposed that the historian meant to make a record of the fulfilment, he could not well have made a search which would more strikingly accord with the symbol. Were we now to represent these things by a symbol, we could scarcely find one that would be more expressive than that of a rider on a black horse with a pair of scales, sent forth under a proclamation which indicated that there would be a most rigid and exact administration of severe and oppressive laws, and with a special command, addressed to the people, not for the purposes of concealment, or from opposition to the government, to injure the sources of revenue. It m^j serve further to illustrate this, to copy 4ae of the usual emblems of a Romat procuraetor or quaestor. It is taken from Spanheim, De Usu Num. Dis3. vi 546. See Eliott, i. 169. It has a balance as a symbol of exactness or justice, amd an ear of grain, as a symbol employed with reference to procuring or exacting grain from the provinces.

**. ATid when he had opened the fourth »ea„ See Notes ch. v. 1. ^ 1 heard the fourth heast say. The flying eagle. Notes ch. iv. 7. As in the other cases, there docs not appear to have been any

8 And I looked, and "behold a pale horse; and his name that sat on him was Death, and hell fol-

proclamation rather than either of the others. It was poetic and appropriate to represent each one in his turn &a making proclamation. ^ Come a7id see. See Notes ver. 1.

8. A7id I looked and behold a pale horse — 'h-ros ■^Xupdi. On the horse, as an emblem, see Notes on ver. 2. The peculiarity of this emblem consists in the color of the horse; the rider; and the power that was given unto him. In these there is entire harmony, and there can be comparatively little difficulty in the explanation and application. Tho color of the horse was pale — x^wpSi. This word properly means pale-green, yellowish-green, like the color of the first shoots of grass and herbage; then green, verdant, like young herbage, Mark vi. 39; Rev. viii. 7, ix. 4; and then pale, yellowish. Boh. Lex. The color here would be an appropriate one to denote the reign of Death — as one of the most striking eflTects of death is paleness — and, of course, of death produced by any cause, famine, pestilence, or the sword. From this portion of the symbol, if it stood with nothing to limit and define it, we should naturally look for some condition of things in which death would prevail in a remarkable manner, or in which multitudes of human beings would be swept away. And yet, perhaps, from the very nature of this part of the symbol, we should look for the prevalence of death in some such peaceful manner as by famine or disease. The red color would more naturally denote the ravages of death in war; the black, the ravages of death by sudden calamity; the pale would more obviously suggest famine or wasting disease. *[ A7id his name that sat on him loas Death. No description is given of his aspect; nor does he appear with any emblem — as sword, or spear, or bow. There is evident scope for the tancy to picture to itself the form of the Destroyer; and there is just that kind of obscurity about it which contributes to sublimity. Accordingly there has been ample room for the exercise of the imagination in the attempts to paint "Death on tho pale horse," and th« lowed with him: Aiii power was given unto " them over the fourth part ^f the earth, to kill * with opening of this seal has furnished occasion for some of the greatest triumphs of the pencil. The simple idea in this portion of the sj^mbol is, that Death would reign or prevail under the opening of this seal — whether by sword, by famine, or by pestilence, is to be determined by other descriptions in the symbol. *\ And hell followed with him. Attended him as he went forth. On the meaning of the word here rendered hell — o(5?75 — hades. See Notes on Luke xvi. 23; comp. Notes on Job x. 21, 22; Isa. xiv. 9. It is here used to denote the abode of the dead, considered as a place where they dwell, and not in the more restricted sense in which the word 13 now commonly used as a place of punishment. The idea is, that the dead would be so numerous at the going forth of this horseman, that it would seem as if the pale nations of the dead had come again upon the earth. A vast retinue of the dead would accompany him; that is, it would be a time when death would prevail on the earth, or when multitudes would die. ^ And power was given unto them. Marg. to him. The common Greek text is avToii — to them. There are many MSS., however, which read oi5t5 — to him. So Prof. Stuart reads it. ' The authority, however, is in favor of t?ie7n as the reading, and according to this, death and his train are regarded as grouped together, and the power is considered as given to them collectively. The sense is not materially varied. ^ Over the fourth part of the earth. That is, of the Eoman world. It is not absolutely necessary to understand this as extending over precisely a fourth part of the woi-ld. Comp. Kev. viii. 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, ix. 15, ct al. Undoubt'3dly wc are to look in the fulfilment of this to some far-spread calamity; to some severe visitations which would sweep ofi" great multitudes of men. The nature of that visitation is designated in the following specifications. ^ To kill witli sword. In war and discord — and we are, tlierefore, to look to a period of war. ^[ A7id with hunger. "With famine — one of the ac-

sword, and with hunger, and with death, and with the beasts of the earth.

companiments of war — where armies ravage a nation, trampling down the crops of grain; consuming the provisions laid up; employing in war, or cutting oS" the rSen who would be occupied in cultivating the ground; making it necessary that they should take the field at a time when the grain should be sown or the harvests collected; and shutting up the people in besieged cities to perish by hunger. Famine has been not an unfrequent accompaniment of war; and we are to look for the fulfilment of this in its extensive prevalence. *|[ And with death. Each of the other forms — "with the sword and with hunger," — imply that death would reign; for it is said that " power was given to hill with sword and with hunger. This word then must refer to death in some other form — to death that seemed to reign without any such visible cause as the "sword" and "hunger." This would well denote the pestilence— not an unfrequent accompaniment of war. For nothing is better fitted to produce this than the unburied bodies of the slain; the filth of a camp; the want of food; and the crowding together of multitudes in a besieged city: — and, accordingly, the pestilence, especially in Oriental countries, has been often closely connected Avith war. That the pestilence is referred to here, is rendered more certain by the fact that the Hebrew woid

"llll — pestilence — which occurs about fifty times in the Old Testament, is rendered ^dvuToq — death, more than thirty times in the Septuagint. ^ And with the beasts of the earth. With wild beasts. This, too, would be one of the consequences of war, famine, and pestilence. Lands would be depopulated, and wild beasts would be multiplied. Nothing more is necessary to make them formidable than a prevalence of these things; and nothing, in the early stages of society, or in countries ravaged by war, famine, and the pestilence, ia more formidable. Homer, at the very beginning of his Iliad, presents us with a representation similar to this. Comp, Ezek. xiv. 21: " I send my sore four judgments upon Jerusalem, the sword, and the famine, and the noisome beast, and

In regard to the fulfilment of this, there can bo little difficulty, if the principles adopted in the interpretation of the first three seals are correct. We may turn to Gibbon, and as in the other cases, vre shall find that he has been an unconscious witness of the fidelity of the representation in this seal. Tv^o general remarks may be made before there is an attempt to illustrate the particular things in the symbol, (a) The first relates to the place in the order of time, or in history, which this seal occupies. If the three former seals have been located with any degree of accuracy, we should espect that this would follow, not very remotely, the severe laws pertaining to taxation, which, according to Mr. Gibbon, contributed so essentially to the downfall of the empire. And if it be admitted to be probable that the fifth seal refers to a time of persecution, it would be most natural to fix this period between those times and the times of Diocletian, when the persecutions ceased. I may be permitted to say, that I was led to fix on this period without having any definite view beforehand of what occurred in it, and was surprised to find in Mr. Gibbon what seems to be so accurate a correspondence with the symbol. (6) The second remark is, that the general characteristics of this period, as stated by Mr. Gibbon, agree remarkably with what we should expect of the period from the symbol. Thus speakine: of this whole period (A. D. 243-268), embracing the reigns of Decius, Gallus, iEmilianus, Valerian, and Gallienus, he says, " From the great

secular games celebrated by Philip to the death of the emperor Gallienus, there elapsed twenty years of shame and misfortune. During this calamitous period, every instant of time was marked, every province of the Roman world was afliicted by barbarous invaders and military tyrants, and the wearied empire eeemed to approach the last and fatal moment of its dissolution," i. 135.

In regard to the particular things referred to in the symbol, the following Bpecifications may furnish a sufficient tonfirmation and illusti ation: —

(a) The killing with the sword. A fulfilment of this, so far as the tvor<h are concerned, might be found indeed in many portions of Ptomau history, but no one can doubt that it was eminently true of this period. It was the period of the first Gothic invasion of the Roman empire; the period when those vast hordes, having gradually come down from the regions of Scandinavia, and having moved along the Danube towards the Ukraine and the countries bordering on the Borysthenes, invaded the Roman territories from the East, passed over Greece, and made their appearance almost, as Mr. Gibbon says, within sight of Rome. Of this invasion, Mr. Gibbon says, " This

is the first considerable occasion [the fact that the emperor Decius was summoned to the banks of the Danube, A. D. 250, by the invasion of the Goths] in which history mentions that great people, who afterwards broke the Roman power, sacked the capital, and reigned in Gaul, Spain, and Italy. So memorable was the part which they acted in the subversion of the Western empire, that the name of Goths is frequently, but improperly, used as a general appellation of rude and warlike barbarism," i. p. 136. As one of the

illustrations that the " sword" would be used by "Death" in this period, we may refer to the siege and capture of Philip-

polis. "A hundred thousand persons are reported to have been massacred in the sack of that great city." Dec. and Fall, i. 140. " The whole period," says Mr. Gibbon, speaking of the reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, " was one uninterrupted series of confusion and calamity. The Roman empire was, at the same time, and on eveijy side, attacked by the blind fury of foreign invaders, and the wild ambition of domestic usurpers," i. 144. " Such were the barbarians," says Mr. Gibbon, in the close of his description of the Goths at this period, and of the tyrants that reigned, " and such the tyrants, who, under the reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, dismembered the provinces, and reduced the empire to the lowest pitch of disgrace and ruin, from whence it seemed impossible that it should ever emerge," i. 158.

ih) Famine: " Shall kill with hunger." This would naturally be the consequence of long-continued wars, and of snob invasions as those of the Goths. Mr. Gibbon says of this period, " Our habits

of thinking so fondly connect the order of the universe with the fate of man, that this gloomy period of history has been decorated with inundations, earthquakes, uncommon meteors, preternatural darkness, and a crowd of prodigies, fictitious or exaggerated. But a long and general famine was a calamity of a more serious kind. It was the inevitable consequence of rapine and oppression, which extirpated the produce of the present, and the hope of future harvests,"

i. p. 159. Prodigies, and preternatural darkness, and earthquakes, were not seen in the vision of the opening of the seal — but war and fajnine were; and the facts stated by Mr. Gibbon are such as would be now appropriately symbolized by Death on the pale horse.

(c) Pestilence:— "And shall kill with death." Of the pestilence which raged in this period, Mr. Gibbon makes the following remarkable statement, in immediate connexion with what he says

of the famine: " Famine is almost always followed by epidemical diseases, the effect of scanty and unwholesome food. Other causes must, however, have contributed to the furious plague, which, from the year two hundred and fifty to the year tAvo hundred and sixtyfive, raged without interruption in every 'province, every city, and almost every family in the Roman empire. During some time, five thousand persons died daily at Rome; and many towns that had escaped the hands of the barbarians were entirely depopulated," i. 159.

{d) Wild 'beasts: — <' And shall kill with the beasts of the earth." As already remarked, these are formidable enemies in the early stages of society, and when a country becomes from any cause depopulated. They are not mentioned by Mr. Gibbon as contributing to the Decline and Fall of the empire, or as connected with the calamities that came upon the world at that period. But no one can doubt that in such circumstances they would bo likely to abound, especially if the estimate of Mr. Gibbon be correct (i. 159), lyhen, speaking of these times, and making an estimate of the proportion of the inhabitants of Alexandria that had perished — which he •ays was more than one-half — he adds,

" Could one venture to extend the ana-

logy to the other provinces, we mighi suspect that tfjar, pestilence, Andfominef had consumed, in a few years, the moiety of the human species." Yet,

though not adveited to by Mr. Gibbon, there is a record pertaining to this very period, which shows that this was one of the calamities with which the world was then afflicted. It occurs in Amobius. Adv. Gentes, lib. i. p. 5. Within a few years after the death of Gallienus (about A. D. 300), he speaks of wild beasts in such a manner as to show that they were regarded as a sore calamity. The public peril and suffering on this account were so great that, in common with other evils, this was charged on Christians as one of the judgments oi" heaven which they brought upon the world. In defending Christians against the general charge that these judgments were sent from heaven on their account, he adverts to the prevalence of wild beasts, and shows that they could not have been sent as a judgment on account of the existence of Christianity, by the fact that they had prevailed also in the times of heathenism, long before Christianity was introduced into the empire. " Quando cum feris bella, et proelia cum leonibus gesta sunt? Non ante nos? Quando pernicies populis venenatis ab anguibus data est? Non ante nos?" " When were wars waged with wild beasts, and contests with lions? Was it not before our times? When did a plaguo come upon men poisoned by serpents? Was it not before our times?" In regard to the extent of the destruction which these causes would bring upon the world, there is a remarkable confirmation in Gibbon. To say, as is said, in the account of the seal, that " a fourth part of the earth" would be subjected to the reign of death by the sword, by famine, by pestilence, and by wild beasts, may seem to many to be an improbable statement — a statement for the fulfilment of which we should look in vain to any historical records. Yet Mr. Gibbon, without expressly mentioning the plague of wild beasts, but referring to the three others — "war, pestilence, and famine" — goes into a calculation, in a passage already referred to, by which he shows that it is probable that from these causes half the human rr.ce was destroyed. The following is h"B estimate: " We have tha